Contents

CHAPTER 13: THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES AND EVOLUTION OF GEOPHYTE PROCUREMENT IN THE NORTHWESTERN GREAT BASIN 2

CHAPTER 14: OBSIDIAN CONVEYANCE PATTERNS 14

CHAPTER 15: NORTHERN PAIUTE, WESTERN SHOSHONE,
AND THE NUMIC EXPANSION 25

CHAPTER 16: NUMIC USE OF WOODEN PRONGHORN ENCLOSURES 30

CHAPTER 17: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 45

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 47

REFERENCES 47

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY

Number 101: 405 pp. March 11, 2016

Copyright © American Museum of Natural History 2016

ISSN 0065-9452

http://dx.doi.org/10.5531/sp.anth.0101

Prehistory of Nevada’s Northern Tier: Archaeological Investigations along the Ruby Pipeline

William Hildebrandt, Kelly McGuire, Jerome King, Allika Ruby, and D. Craig Young

Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc.

With Contributions by

David Rhode, Jeffrey Rosenthal, Pat Barker, Kaely Colligan, William Bloomer, Albert Garner, Nathan Stevens, Andrew Ugan, Kimberley Carpenter, Laura Brink,Sharon Waechter, Richard Hughes, Tom Origer, Sharlyn Street, and Wendy Pierce

(EPUB PART 3)

CHAPTER 13: THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES AND EVOLUTION OF GEOPHYTE PROCUREMENT IN THE NORTHWESTERN GREAT BASIN

Kelly McGuire and Nathan Stevens

As we have noted in chapter 2, the western portion of the pipeline corridor in the High Rock Country provides a more suitable habitat for geophytes than the eastern portion. Geophytes are perennial herbs that store their energy reserves (such as starch) in belowground structures like bulbs, tubers, corms, and enlarged roots. The economic importance of geophytes north of the Humboldt River and along the northwestern rim of the Great Basin is such that the entire region has been broadly categorized as the “root complex” with respect to Great Basin ethnographic lifeways (Fowler and Liljeblad, 1986: 435–465).

For such an important food staple, however, the archaeological manifestations of geophyte gathering, processing, storing, and consuming are not well understood. This results in part from the fact that their physical remains are usually underrepresented in the archaeological record, at least in comparison to more ubiquitous charred seeds. In addition, the specific artifact signatures associated with geophyte harvesting and processing are not easily recognized.

The project corridor provides a unique opportunity to address the archaeology of geophyte use, as it traverses from eastern Nevada where geophyte productivity was comparatively low, to the High Rock Country where such resources were more abundant. How do specific tool types, assemblages, and even settlement patterns shift along this transect in response to an increasing subsistence focus on geophytes? Can we identify a toolkit and technology associated with geophyte procurement, and with the added dimension of time, can we chart the prehistoric evolution of geophyte use?

In this chapter, we briefly assess geophyte productivity across the project transect, and then turn to two subregions of the High Rock Country: the Barrel Springs volcanic tablelands and adjacent Long Valley. We review regional ethnographic and archaeological evidence of geophyte procurement and processing technologies, including the work of Susan Gleason (2001) in the Upper Klamath River area. We then compare assemblage trends in the Barrel Springs and Long Valley areas in an effort to correlate certain tool types with productive geophyte zones, and to establish a settlement context of geophyte use. Particular attention is given to formed flake tools and simple flake tools and their role in the manufacture and maintenance of digging sticks, a central element of the geophyte harvest. The results of a use-wear analysis on a sample of formed flake tools from the project area are used to further evaluate this relationship. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the energetic returns associated with geophyte procurement and its role in foraging systems through time in this region.

Geophyte Habitats along the Project Corridor

Geophytes are found along the entire length of the project corridor. From a subsistence standpoint, the most important taxa include epos (yampah), biscuit-root, bitterroot, sego lily, wild onion, and balsamroot. Many of these are most productive and best harvested from spring to early summer, when they comprise a critical food resource after lean winter months. The productivity of these geophytes in any particular habitat or environmental region within the project corridor, however, is difficult to measure. What we can say is that the cooler and better-watered uplands, especially those that also contain thin volcanic lithosols, represent prime geophyte habitat. Thus, the High Rock Country would rank highest in this regard, while the Upper Lahontan Basin would be lowest. The Upper Humboldt Plains and Thousand Springs Valley regions are intermediate but probably well below the geophyte potential of the High Rock Country.

This broad environmental characterization is borne out by the ethnographic record. Geophytes comprised a dietary staple for the Surprise Valley Paiute, whose traditional gathering area extended well into the project corridor in northwestern Nevada (Kelly, 1932; Fowler and Liljeblad , 1986: 435–465; Fowler and Rhode, 2006: 331–350), as well as for the neighboring Modoc, Klamath, and other Plateau groups (Barrett, 1910; Kroeber, 1925; Spier, 1930; Ray, 1963). It is estimated that for these root-adapted groups, geophytes may have provided upwards of 50% of the annual caloric intake for a family.

In Western Shoshone territory in the eastern portion of the project corridor, Steward (1938: 138–158) notes that several root crops, including epos, bitterroot, and wild onion, were seasonally harvested, along with a variety of important seed crops. Geophytes, however, are not singled out as a subsistence staple or the anchor of a resource “complex,” as they are to the north and west, or as pinyon nuts are to the south. Noting that most Western Shoshone subsistence-settlement activity was concentrated primarily along the Humboldt River, Steward implies that areas immediately north (which would include the project corridor) were used more for resource procurement and as an occasional travel corridor.

Barrel Springs

Returning to the High Rock Country, geophyte productivity can be further broken down by taking a closer look at the Barrel Springs volcanic uplands immediately east of Surprise Valley, which is traversed by the pipeline corridor. The Barrel Springs uplands (5500–6500 ft in elevation) are part of a prominent volcanic plateau that rises above surrounding valleys and alluvial basins. This area is specifically identified as an important geophyte collection area by Isabel Kelly (1932) in her work with the Surprise Valley Paiute, as well as by members of the contemporary Fort Bidwell Paiute (Deuer, 2010). The biological productivity of geophytes at Barrel Springs, particularly epos (fig. 52), has also been confirmed by recent scientific study (O’Connell and Bird, 2005; O’Connell et al., 2008; Trammell et al., 2008). In high-density tracts at Barrel Springs, upwards of 80 epos plant stems per square meter have been observed, and caloric content has been estimated as high as four million kcals/hectare (O’Connell and Bird, 2005). Furthermore, controlled burning experiments have demonstrated that fire management of epos tracts further increases productivity (Trammell et al., 2008).

Fig. 52. A late-spring, early summer epos (yampah) bloom at Barrel Springs.

The productivity of geophytes at Barrel Springs is the result of its unique geology and geomorphology, at least with respect to the rest of the project corridor. Barrel Springs rests on a partially forested (juniper) volcanic steppe or scabland characterized by a series of open meadows, rocky ground surfaces, and shallow clay soils. These forest-fringed meadows (known as lithosol meadows) are found throughout the Modoc Plateau and in southern Oregon, and are recognized as prime geophyte habitat (Gleason, 2001: 348–390). Epos requires extended, low winter temperatures (below 5° C) to bud and shallow clay soils that encourage local soil saturation during the wet season. Warm conditions in late spring and early summer create a short-lived photosynthesizing period that encourages bulb growth before summer ground desiccation leads to plant dormancy (Gleason, 2001: 348–349). The Barrel Springs volcanic uplands meet most of these environmental requirements.

Approximately 25 km of the project corridor passes through Barrel Springs, including areas immediately adjacent to the scientific study plots described above (fig. 53). More than 75 prehistoric sites were subject to data recovery excavations at Barrel Springs. Assemblages associated with these sites can be expected to reflect in some measure the procurement and processing of geophytes, and specifically that directed at epos.

Fig. 53. Barrel Springs/Long Valley area.

Geophyte Procurement and Processing Technologies

Digging sticks

The role of the digging stick in geophyte procurement worldwide is incontestable (Thoms, 1989: 84–93). Indeed, the digging stick appears in some of the earliest assemblages ascribed to modern humans in Africa 42,000 to 44,000 years ago (Villa et al., 2012). Closer to home, the digging stick was the essential tool for the harvesting of geophytes by northern Great Basin and Plateau populations (fig. 54; Fowler and Liljeblad, 1986: 441; Hunn et al., 1998: 526–527; Walker, 1998; Fowler and Rhode, 2006: 331–350). Given the hard clay soils that characterize many geophyte habitats, the digging stick was “an extremely personal object that was carefully selected and maintained to last as long as possible…and noted by Barrett and Gifford (1933: 197) as being more effective than a steel spade ‘for digging bulbs from the sun-baked, hard ground’” (Gleason, 2001: 237).

Fig. 54. Northern Paiute women harvesting biscuit-root with a metal digging stick. (Photo courtesy of Marilyn Couture)

As such, digging sticks were manufactured from the hardest woods available, which along the project corridor would have included mountain mahogany (Voegelin, 1942: 175). As described by Gleason (2001: 237), digging sticks were usually about a meter long and fashioned from limb wood, which was first stripped and then sharpened at one or both ends; the final shape was determined by cultural preference and the digging situation at hand. The “business” end of this implement was shaped by both whittling and abrasion, and made more durable by charring. These tools were subjected to an intensity of use that is difficult to overestimate, with the area harvested by just one woman often looking like a “ploughed field” after a day’s work (Curtin, 1971: 318). These tools were no doubt in need of constant maintenance (sharpening), but also either broke or wore out with regularity. Along these lines, Goddard (1903) noted that Hupa women were often accompanied by men on geophyte foraging rounds “to keep their digging sticks sharp with stone knives.”

Insofar as digging sticks were wooden and generally do not preserve in the archaeological record, the key to tracking their prehistoric use—and geophyte procurement in general—is through the flaked stone tools used in their manufacture. Gleason (2001: 555–558) explores this relationship, as well as other archeological signatures of geophyte use, and points to the critical role of utilized flakes, scrapers, choppers, and other implements used in this process. Such tools may not have been deliberately shaped, but they are characterized by their long, durable working edges. Gleason also suggests that such tools might not occur in association with the usual reduction debris at site locations, but would be distributed in more scattered contexts across productive geophyte tracts.

Other Archaeological Correlates of Geophyte Use

Relying mostly on ethnographic accounts of the nearby Shasta, Gleason (2001: 241–266) also outlines a behavioral chain associated with epos processing, consumption, and storage with potential settlement implications. Initial processing occurred either within the actual harvest area or at nearby temporary “root camps” and involved cleaning and husking the thin outer skin of epos and drying them for eventual storage. No specialized tools were necessary to husk epos, the skin of which was usually popped off by simple rubbing. Epos is also noteworthy because it can be consumed in its raw form and does not require roasting to properly digest, as is necessary for camas. Some pounding into a mush or flour could occur at this initial stage, usually incorporating a mortar and pestle, but by far the largest portion of the harvest was destined for storage and winter consumption.

Epos was generally stored in baskets or bags in an aboveground granary structure either in winter camps or strategically located elsewhere to facilitate reasonable access during winter. In the Barrel Springs region, ethnographic accounts place these winter camps in lower-lying valleys and basins, such as Surprise Valley or Long Valley (Kelly, 1932). It is at these winter camps that a fuller range of consumption activities would have occurred. As with the harvest, processing was primarily the domain of women. The dried epos roots were ground, most often using hand stones and milling stones, and the resulting flour was formed into cakes or bread or added to a variety of stews, soups, or mushes. Cooking activities associated with the roasting, baking, or boiling of epos, and marked by the accumulation of fire-affected rock, would have been focused at these winter camps. In sum, the most direct archaeological signatures of the epos harvest are related to the manufacture and maintenance of digging sticks, and include a variety acute and steep-sided flake stone tools, such as simple flake tools and formed flake tools. The ready availability of tool-stone mass (cores, for example) to produce large flakes for carving and shaping tools may also be manifested in the archaeological record. Conversely, and with the possible exception of the mortar and pestle, milling equipment would not be directly associated with these harvest tracts. Greater evidence of epos processing and consumption, including more robust accumulations of hand stones, milling stones, and fire-affected rock, should be found in long-term base camps at lower elevations.

Archaeological Assemblages from Barrel Springs versus Long Valley: An Atemporal Assessment

The project corridor traverses approximately 25 km of the Barrel Springs volcanic uplands before abruptly dropping down into the pluvial basin of Long Valley, where it crosses another 25 km of land. The environmental contrast could not be starker, with the juniper-studded savannahs and lithosol meadows of Barrel Springs giving way to treeless desert shrub and sagebrush steppe communities of Long Valley. The latter is composed mainly of greasewood shadscale, and saltbush, as well as salt grass along sodic lake beds. These low basins are not prime geophyte habitat, but they do contain important economic plants such as seepweed, shadscale, various grasses including Indian ricegrass, bluegrass, alkali sacaton, and wild rye, and annual herbs such as blazing star (see chap. 2).

The broad assemblage profiles associated with these two adjacent regions provide corroboration of some of the archaeological signatures of geophyte use enumerated above. We are aided here by rigorous project sampling and methodological protocols that allow us to compare these two regions in a statistically representative way. This effort is also facilitated by the large number of sites subjected to data recovery and artifact collection. At Barrel Springs, a total of 75 sites was investigated and more than 3800 flaked and ground stone tools were recovered. In Long Valley, these totals include 16 sites and 608 tools. The data are presented for both regions by artifact class and density in each subregion (table 74).

Several broad patterns are immediately apparent in table 74. First, substantially more artifacts were recovered from Barrel Springs, with respect to both absolute counts and density. But breaking this down further reveals a striking divergence between flaked stone tools and milling equipment, with the latter actually slightly higher in Long Valley. While settlement intensity, as measured by the number of sites and densities of key flaked stone artifact classes, is demonstrably much higher at Barrel Springs, this increase does not extend to plant processing.

To understand this, it is useful to return to Gleason’s behavioral chain associated with epos procurement, particularly the role of milling equipment and settlement organization. Secondary processing activities, such as roasting and milling, generally do not occur at root camps in epos harvest zones, as the bulk of the crop is stored for consumption in winter camps at lower elevations, where dried epos is processed using a hand stone and milling stone. The project assemblage data from these two environments tentatively supports this description, with the preponderance of hand stone/milling stone processing activity occurring at lower elevations away from epos harvest zones. Noteworthy also is Gleason’s (2001: 250) observation that the ground stone processing that does occur with fresh epos (within the context of harvest and occupation of local root camps) is usually done with a mortar and pestle, as this requires pounding and containment of the pulp. In an opposite pattern to the hand-stone/milling-stone trend, virtually all the bowl mortars and pestles from the two environmental regions were documented in the Barrel Springs Uplands.

Along with the ground stone signatures of epos procurement, it is important to understand the settlement implications of the patterns discussed above. This atemporal assessment supports the notion of a hierarchical settlement structure of harvest stations, upland root camps, storage facilities, and low-elevation winter base camps similar to that described for regional ethnographic groups. Below (see A Temporal Profile of Geophyte Procurement, page 294), we review the temporal dimensions associated with the evolution of this settlement system, as well as its implications for resource intensification.

Flaked Stone Correlates of Epos Procurement

As previously mentioned, the counts and densities of major flaked stone tools are clearly higher in the Barrel Springs Uplands than in Long Valley. This includes projectile points and bifaces, which range from four to more than six times greater than at Long Valley and probably indicate an increased level of hunting and hunting-related tool production in upland contexts. However, it is the flake tools, formed flake tools, and cores that show increases in densities by orders of magnitude: flake tools are nearly 50 times denser and cores 26 times denser at Barrel Springs. Furthermore, 57 formed flake tools were recovered in the Barrel Springs sites, whereas none were found in Long Valley. If these tools were simply part of hunting-related toolkits, we would expect increases in densities roughly corresponding to those of projectile points and bifaces. Because they do not show such increases, we conclude that they probably functioned in some other capacity—namely, the manufacture and maintenance of digging sticks associated with the epos harvest.

Gleason (2001: 240) identifies tools used in digging stick maintenance, singling out “utilized flakes” as the most likely archaeological signature of the epos harvest, because the digging sticks were in constant need of sharpening. However, she notes (2001: 550) that flake tools are the “Swiss Army knives” of the prehistoric toolkit, used for a variety of tasks. But it is their stunning ubiquity in epos resource tracts at Barrel Springs that is compelling. Of course, the demand for high-quality flakes for digging stick maintenance must be met by a supply, and this may explain the superabundance of cores at Barrel Springs. The emerging personal toolkit for epos harvesting may have also included cores from which flakes could be struck off as needed for digging stick maintenance.

Gleason is less specific about the manufacture of digging sticks; she includes such tools as large, hafted flakes and so-called choppers and scrapers in the ensemble of whittling and shaping implements potentially associated with digging sticks (2001: 552). Thoms (1989) is somewhat more specific about the flaked stone tools expected: “heavy tools include cobble choppers and large flake tools with notched edges or spokeshavelike indentations, as well as the thick scraper edges frequently interpreted as woodworking tools.” As a class, these would be roughly analogous to our project category of formed flake tools, which are defined as large flakes with purposefully modified (often retouched), steep-angled edges (fig. 55). These tools would be more valuable for stripping and shaping the shafts of digging sticks during manufacture than as tools for sharpening the point on a stick. The frequency distribution of the formed flake tools recovered from the two environmental regions supports this hypothesis: formed flake tools are found only in the geophyte-rich habitats of the Barrel Springs uplands, while simple flake tools are ubiquitous.

Fig. 55. Formed flake tools from Barrel Springs.

A Functional Analysis of Formed and Simple Flake Tools

Formed flake tools: To better assess the functional aspects of formed flake tools, a replicative analysis of use-wear was conducted on all such tools recovered along the entire project corridor. A total of 180 formed flake tools was analyzed, of which 138 were found to retain either edge damage or polish caused by the interaction of the tool with an opposing material. Of these, 120 tools (87%) were determined to have functioned in a scraping capacity (as opposed to being used as saws, knives, drills, choppers/adzes, or planing tools). Of the total number of tools classified as “scrapers,” 130 modified edges were documented. Use-wear on 111 of these edges (85%) was the result of interaction with a hard material, most likely wood (mountain mahogany was used in the replicative study). The remaining 19 edges (15%) appear to have been used in association with softer materials, such as hide, meat, or the fleshy parts of plants.

As a general characterization, most of the formed flake tools that functioned as scrapers have a ventral-to-dorsal orientation (i.e., with the ventral flake face contacting the worked material). Accordingly, edge damage is most prevalent on dorsal sides of tools, with 91% of used dorsal edges having some type of edge damage, but only 39% of ventral edges exhibiting edge damage. This is consistent with a transverse (i.e., scraping) motion where the contact material exerts force on the ventral surface, causing flakes and step fractures to propagate on the opposite (dorsal) side (Tringham et al., 1974: 189; Keeley, 1980: 38). When ventral edge damage was present, it tended to be in the form of perpendicular striations indicative of scraping a hard and possibly gritty material (fig. 56).

Fig. 56. Use-wear examples from formed flake tools recovered from Barrel Springs: A. 26HU5513-42, obsidian formed flake tool used for scraping hard material. Ventral edge at 40× magnification. Note edge-rounding, dorsal step-fractures, and ventral perpendicular striations. B. 26WA8690-33, CCS formed flake tool used for scraping wood. Ventral edge at 40× magnification. Note edge-rounding, dorsal step-fractures, and bright ventral polish.

In sum, a high percentage of formed flake tools found along the project corridor probably functioned as scrapers for working wood. Furthermore, there is a geographic distinction among the four project regions, with an indication that the use of these tools to scrape wood (as opposed to other materials) was more prevalent in the High Rock Country than elsewhere along the project corridor. Coupled with the behavioral and spatial data previously presented, the inference that formed flake tools were used for scraping and shaping digging sticks is strongly supported.

Use-wear results on formed flake tools from the Barrel Springs area specifically provide an even stronger contrast between this geophyte-rich area and other project regions. If formed flake tool use in Barrel Springs was geared toward one primary activity, such as digging stick manufacture and maintenance, we might expect their functional diversity at Barrel Springs to be narrower than in other project areas. To measure functional diversity, Simpson’s index values were calculated from the distributions of tool actions and contact materials (table 75). As expected, formed flake tools from the Barrel Springs area are less functionally diverse, and they are more likely to have been used on hard materials rather than soft materials when compared to tools from other areas. This suggests that, while formed flake tools were used for a wide variety of tasks over the project area as a whole, at Barrel Springs there was a greater emphasis on tasks (such as woodworking) that involved the scraping of hard materials.

Simple flake tools: While the use of formed flake tools for heavy-duty woodworking is well supported, what about the functions of simple flake tools, which are much more common at Barrel Springs? As a class, simple flake tools are morphologically similar to formed flake tools, but generally lack evidence of purposeful edge modification in the form of retouch (fig. 57). Evidence from both microscopic use-wear and conventional analyses suggests that simple flake tools were used for a variety of tasks but overlapped significantly with the uses of formed flake tools, with the latter perhaps used for the heavier-duty woodworking tasks.

Fig. 57. Simple flake tools from Barrel Springs.

This relationship is illustrated in fig. 58, which plots edge angle against weight for formed flake tools and simple flake tools. Formed flake tools are generally heavier and have steeper edge angles than simple flake tools, but there is also considerable overlap between the two. In general, steeper edge angles are better suited to woodworking (Crabtree and Davis, 1968; Gould et al., 1971; Crabtree, 1977; Siegel, 1985; Cane, 1992). Likewise, greater tool mass should provide added efficiency for heavy woodworking tasks (Gould, 1977; Kuhn, 1994). Thus, in figure 58 tools better suited to heavy woodworking should occupy the upper right quadrant.

Fig. 58. The relationship of edge angle and weight for simple and formed flake tools. Ellipses represent 95% confidence intervals.

This is not to say, however, that more acutely angled flake tools were not also used for woodworking tasks. A 20% random sample of flake tools from two sites in the Barrel Springs area was subjected to use-wear analysis. Of the analyzed sample, 63% were used for scraping hard materials—most likely wood—and none showed evidence of use on soft materials (fig. 59). The Barrel Springs flake tools also have a distinct bimodality with respect to edge angle (fig. 60). Whereas the Long Valley flake tools have a fairly uniform distribution centered around 30°, those from Barrel Springs have a bimodal distribution with peaks at 30° and 60°. These steeper-edged tools from Barrel Springs likely represent heavier-duty woodworking tools that were functionally similar to formed flake tools.

Fig. 59. Edge damage on flake tools indicative of likely use on wood: 26WA8628-907, Obsidian flake tool used for scraping hard material. Dorsal edge at 10× magnification. Note extensive dorsal step-fractures and flake removals.

Fig. 60. Edge angles of flake tools from Barrel Springs and Long Valley. Note: formed flake tool edge angles from entire Ruby Pipeline Project Corridor provided for comparison.

Edge shapes of flake tools also suggest digging stick maintenance. Thoms (1989) identified tools with “notched edges or spokeshave-like indentations” as indicative of digging stick manufacture and maintenance. Among the four regions, the High Rock Country is the only one where the majority of flake tools have concave edges. The contrast is even stronger between Barrel Springs and other areas, with 37% of Barrel Springs flake tools exhibiting concave edges and versus only 15% of those from other areas (fig. 61).

Fig. 61. Proportions of concave and convex edge shapes of simple flake tools from Barrel Springs versus non–Barrel Springs project regions.

In sum, both formed flake tools and simple flake tools from Barrel Springs show strong evidence for woodworking activity. The former may have been used for heavier-duty tasks, such as the actual manufacture of digging sticks, whereas the latter may have been used for more expedient and recurring sharpening and maintenance tasks. Aside from zones of retouch, however, these tools show broad morphological similarity and together probably represent a continuum of use associated with woodworking activities. The sheer number of these tools in prime geophyte procurement zones argues for a distinct flaked stone technology associated with the manufacture and maintenance of digging sticks.

A Temporal Profile of Geophyte Procurement

In the absence of dateable organic residues or other directly dated evidence of geophyte use, we are obliged to consider more indirect proxy data to establish the intensity of prehistoric occupation of the Barrel Springs uplands. These data, which rely primarily on the overall frequencies of dated project archaeological components, and secondarily on the frequencies of time-sensitive projectile points, provide a broad measure of land-use intensity through time. To the extent that Barrel Springs was a prime geophyte habitat, and that a significant portion of the resulting archaeological record is related either directly or indirectly to the procurement of this staple resource type, these proxy data provide a rough measure of their use through time.

The frequency of dated project components at Barrel Springs is derived from an assessment of obsidian hydration and projectile point data, as well as a smaller number of radiocarbon dates (see chap. 4 for a complete discussion of component definition). It provides a broad index of archaeological visibility through time and is used throughout this report as the primary proxy for relative population densities. Component frequencies are presented in table 76 and standardized by time interval (i.e., components/1000 years); absolute component counts are also presented. As can be seen, component frequencies ramp up in the Early Archaic and peak during the Middle Archaic Period. They drop in the Late Archaic and are altogether absent during the Terminal Prehistoric Period.

The minimal representation of Late Prehistoric components is puzzling and may relate to issues of archaeological overprinting in this high-use area and the resulting difficulties in identifying potentially more ephemeral spatiotemporal components. As a cross-check, we also review the projectile point frequency data from Barrel Springs in table 76, again standardized by time interval (i.e., points/1000 years); absolute counts are also presented. Except for the Late Archaic Period, these data confirm the trend profile from the component data, including the comparatively lower level of Terminal Prehistoric activity. The standardized Late Archaic point frequencies actually reach the highest level of any period.

Several trends are apparent. First, the most consistent result is the dramatic increase beginning in the Early Archaic Period and continuing through the Middle Archaic. There is also a reasonably strong indication that land-use intensity fell off during the Terminal Prehistoric Period. What is less clear is the dating of the peak in land-use intensity at Barrel Springs. We are inclined toward a broad temporal assignment that probably extended through the Middle Archaic and into some portion of the Late Archaic Period.

To the extent that geophyte procurement conditioned overall land use at Barrel Springs, this activity appears to have begun intensifying as early as 5700 years ago, reached its highest expression sometime between 3800 and 1300 b.p., and continued for perhaps several centuries beyond that. After 600 b.p., the intensity of geophyte procurement appears to have declined.

The Evolution of a Geophyte-Based Settlement-Subsistence System
at Barrel Springs

To understand the trans-Holocene evolution of geophyte use in this region of the Great Basin, it is useful to consider the energetic returns provided by these staples, particularly epos. Figure 62 provides a ranking of key Great Basin and California plant resources with regard to their postencounter return rates measured in kcals/hour of effort to procure and process (table 77). What is clear is that geophytes, particularly epos and bitterroot, rank at the top, ahead of even pinyon pine and various oak taxa. Return rates of epos are estimated at between 2000 and 2600 kcal/hour (O’Connell et al., 2008). Coupled with the sheer density of epos at Barrel Springs, which has been estimated to be as high as four million kcals/hectare (O’Connell and Bird, 2005) in productive tracts, O’Connell et al. (2008) are no doubt correct in noting that epos should always be taken when available in preference to other plant foods (see also Middleton et al., 2014).

Fig. 62. Comparison of energetic return rates for key Great Basin and California plants (adapted from Rosenthal and Fitzgerald, 2012: 85, fig. 4.6).

With respect to diet breadth and the evolution of foraging systems that incorporated epos, we would therefore expect that this resource was targeted by the earliest inhabitants of Barrel Springs, and indeed the proxy data previously reviewed provide some hints of visitation as early as the Paleoindian Period and more ample evidence of occupation during the Paleoarchaic Period. These populations, however, were wide-ranging, mobile foragers (Amick, 1996; McGuire, 2002; Jones et al., 2003), notwithstanding some debate as to the actual size of their foraging ranges (Smith, 2010). Without the benefit of long-term storage or a stable residential pattern, these early inhabitants were probably relegated to a pattern of harvest and immediate consumption confined to a short time in May and June when epos was readily available. Given the worldwide antiquity of the digging stick, it is unlikely that actual prehistoric harvesting technology was much different than that observed during ethnographic times. Coupled with what were probably low overall population densities to begin with, we would expect the archaeological visibility of this form of geophyte procurement at this time to be low. We can broadly characterize these kinds of foragers as time minimizers (Bettinger, 1999b).

What may have been instrumental in the rise of a true geophyte-based subsistence economy—transforming this resource class from an abundant but seasonally restricted crop to a keystone staple—was a change in land-use strategies and the development of storage technology. To briefly review, the comparative abundance of milling equipment in lowland (Long Valley) versus upland (Barrel Springs) contexts (see table 74) suggests a hierarchical settlement system, with the former the locus of longer-term, perhaps winter, habitation where the processing of dried epos using a hand stone and milling slab occurred, and the latter the domain of harvesting stations and upland root camps containing an abundance of flake tools, formed flake tools, and cores for the manufacture and maintenance of diggings sticks. We lack direct evidence of storage at either location, but the relative abundance of hand stones and milling stones, which would have been more effectively used to process dried epos, suggests that a large portion of the crop was transported and stored at or near these lowland base camps. We can characterize this class of foragers as energy maximizers (Bettinger, 1999b).

This pattern of geophyte use at Barrel Springs appears to have begun around 5700 years ago, perhaps reached its highest levels during the Middle Archaic, and continued well into the Late Archaic before declining during the Terminal Prehistoric Period. A very similar pattern of rising sedentism tied to increased reliance on geophytes (in this case lomatiums and camas) is described for the Fort Rock area north of our study area (Jenkins et al., 2000: 46–55). It also began about 6000 years ago, with a peak in sedentism between 3800 and 3000 b.p. and identified in part by an abundance of Gatecliff, Humboldt, and Elko projectile points.

The transition from an early, time-minimizer foraging pattern, to one that involved an energy-maximizing strategy that included storage would have substantially increased epos procurement, allowing surpluses to be banked for critical winter consumption. The potential net energetic gains of such a transition can be easily modeled (table 78). We first compute the daily plant-based caloric requirements for a band of 15 foragers, employing the time-minimizer strategy that includes five root harvesters over a 45 day harvest period (i.e., the number of plant-based calories required to maintain the group over this harvest period). Assumptions include a return rate of 2300 kcal/hour for epos, an average daily caloric requirement of 2600 calories/person, and the likelihood that approximately 50% of this daily caloric need will be supplied by plant-based nutrients. We calculate that it would take about 1.7 hr for these five harvesters to meet the daily caloric needs for the entire group. In the energy-maximizer model, we increase the daily harvest time from 1.7 hr to 5.0 hr per harvester, and the net caloric surplus per day amounts to 38,000 calories. Over a 45 day harvest period this surplus yield is calculated at 1,710,000 calories. If the surplus is stored, it is enough to provide a 15 person band about 88 days of its total plant-based caloric requirement. Put another way, this stored surplus would be enough to cover virtually the entire plant-based caloric requirement for 15 people over the three resource-poor winter months (December through February).

The transformative potential of this type of food production should now be readily apparent and no doubt would have conditioned major aspects of northern Great Basin subsistence-settlement as climatic conditions began to improve toward the end of the middle Holocene. It tethered winter base camps to stored resources, thereby increasing overall sedentism. It required a more robust gendered division of labor and, to some extent, probably underwrote the activities of adult males. It may, therefore, be no coincidence that the timing of geophyte intensification coincided with the rise of long-range logistical hunting observed throughout much of the Great Basin (Hildebrandt and McGuire, 2002; Broughton and Bayham, 2003; McGuire and Hildebrandt, 2005). This could also help explain the high relative frequencies of projectile points and bifaces that were recovered from Barrel Springs (see table 74).

This particular type of geophyte procurement appears to have increased gradually through the Early, Middle, and Late Archaic periods, before declining again. As we observed in the energetic analysis, the net caloric returns that can be devoted to storage are highly sensitive to even minor adjustments in daily harvesting time or the number of individuals engaged in active harvesting. For example, the addition of one extra individual (from five to six) in the foraging effort for a 5 hr harvesting bout would result in a net increase in caloric return of about 30% for a 15 person group. Similarly, the addition of an extra hour of harvest time for five harvesters supporting a 15 person group can increase net caloric return on the order of 20% to 25%. The point here is that this type of intensive geophyte procurement has an unusual amount of capacity built into it. As our proxy data indicate, land use and presumably population density increased through much of the late Holocene, and this procurement system had the flexibility and capacity to respond in kind.

Recent experiments in fire management within epos tracks at Barrel Springs provide insight into additional levels of geophyte intensification. Trammell et al. (2008) report that burning increases both epos yield and distribution, presumably by altering either soil nutrients or plant community dynamics. This yield increase can be on the order of 50% with no effect on the plant nutrient content. There is no direct archaeological evidence for fire management at Barrel Springs, but all proxy data indicate that land-use intensity reached its zenith around the Middle-Late Archaic transition, perhaps between 3800 and 1000 cal b.p. If systematic fire management was ever practiced by prehistoric peoples at Barrel Springs, it probably occurred within this time frame.

Given the stability of the late Holocene geophyte procurement system described above (measured in millennia), it is surprising that the proxies of land-use intensity at Barrel Springs drop off near the Late Archaic–Terminal Prehistoric transition. This is especially true given the importance of epos to the Surprise Valley Paiute in the ethnographic period (Kelly, 1932). The diminution of land-use intensity, however, is not unusual and has been observed in a variety of contexts elsewhere in the Great Basin and California (Jones et al., 1999; McGuire and King, 2011). Two potentially related explanations come to mind, one being severe climatic conditions perhaps associated with the Medieval Climatic Anomaly (MCA), and the other being the arrival of Numic-speaking populations with new systems of land use.

The MCA typically shows two major episodes, roughly 1100–900 and 800–650 cal b.p., i.e., occurring toward the end of the Late Archaic Period (chap. 2). This would predate the appearance of Numic speakers, who may have entered this area of the northern Great Basin about 300 or 400 years ago (Delacorte, 2008: 11–129; see also chap. 15). Still, there may be some overall cause and effect in that the environmental changes wrought by the MCA would have severely affected geophyte productivity, as well as other subsistence pursuits, to the extent of disrupting what had been a stable, long-term land-use system.

It may also be that the family-band organization that is diagnostic of most Great Basin Numic populations resulted in a much more diffuse archaeological record. The large root camps and other seasonal base camps that characterized early periods could have given way to small, stand-alone residential camps that would have been occupied for only a short period of time over single, or perhaps several, seasons. The archaeological record of such an occupation is much less visible and no doubt swamped to some extent by the debris of past, more intensive occupations. In this scenario, land-use intensity may not have changed all that much but may have been reorganized in such a way as to limit its archaeological visibility.

CHAPTER 14: OBSIDIAN CONVEYANCE PATTERNS

Jerome King

Changes over time in prehistoric settlement patterns are often reflected by parallel changes in how raw material for flaked stone tools was acquired. These changes are most readily apparent in the proportions of different raw materials at archaeological sites. Also, because obsidian can be traced to its specific source area via geochemical analysis, it is possible to look at the specific directionality and distances involved in obtaining it. Indeed, entire prehistoric settlement systems have been reconstructed on the basis of obsidian source profiles (Bettinger, 1999a; Delacorte, 1999; Jones et al., 2003; Beck and Jones, 2009).

The earliest inhabitants of the western Great Basin are generally thought to have been highly mobile, based on the diverse profile of obsidian sources at many Paleoindian localities, including sources hundreds of kilometers away (Kelly and Todd, 1988; Amick, 1996, 1997; Jones et al., 2003; Smith, 2010), though researchers have differed on what this implies about the nature of early settlement systems. Some researchers define “lithic conveyance zones” based on observed trends in directionality and distance of obsidian transport, and equate these with foraging ranges (e.g., Jones et al., 2003, 2012; Smith, 2010). In this scenario, lithic procurement would have been opportunistic, embedded within an extremely far-ranging seasonal settlement round. Other researchers argue that the diverse profile of obsidian sources may reflect high logistical mobility by hunting parties, who could have targeted distant sources as part of their forays, with seasonal moves between residential bases covering a much smaller area (Elston and Zeanah, 2002; Madsen, 2007). Trade is generally not thought to have been a significant factor in early obsidian procurement.

The archaeological record for subsequent periods of prehistory generally shows reduced diversity in obsidian source profiles and lower overall distances between source and site, likely reflecting a contraction in foraging areas, as well as an increasingly systematized approach to obsidian procurement that emerged in the Early and Middle Archaic periods (Basgall, 1989; Bettinger, 1999a; Delacorte, 1999; McGuire, 2002; Eerkens et al., 2008a). Quarrying activity rose toward a pronounced peak in the Middle Archaic at many obsidian source areas in the westernmost Great Basin (Gilreath and Hildebrandt, 1997, 2011; Ramos, 2000, 2008; King et al., 2011). Whether this quarrying activity resulted from increased trade with outside groups (Gilreath and Hildebrandt, 1997, 2011; King et al., 2011) or from a technological adaptation to the demands of high seasonal mobility (Basgall, 1989; Delacorte and Basgall, 2012) remains a matter of continued debate.

In McGuire’s (2002) review of obsidian source profiles from the Tuscarora and Alturas projects in northeastern California and northwestern Nevada, Middle Archaic sites show the lowest overall diversity of obsidian sources at any time in prehistory, consonant with the idea of scheduled access to a relatively small number of sources. Similarly, Smith’s (2010) compilation of projectile points from the Black Rock Range shows the lowest source diversity among the point types diagnostic of the Early and Middle Archaic.

During the Late Archaic and Terminal Prehistoric, quarry production at the major obsidian sources dropped precipitously, perhaps partially as a result of reduced tool-stone needs accompanying the introduction of the bow and arrow, but likely also because of the collapse of previously established trade networks (Hildebrandt and McGuire, 2002; Gilreath and Hildebrandt, 2011). Additionally, the Numic groups that settled the region in the Terminal Prehistoric are thought to have had smaller overall foraging ranges (Bettinger, 1999a; Delacorte, 1999), with reduced opportunities for direct access to preferred obsidian sources. In the absence of renewed external trade, we would expect still lower diversity of obsidian sources in Terminal Prehistoric sites, and in obsidian-poor areas, a shift toward other locally available materials. In fact, however, obsidian source diversity appears to increase in many late sites. McGuire’s (2002) review of obsidian source profiles from northeasternmost California, as well as Smith’s (2010) Black Rock study, show a substantial rebound in obsidian source diversity during the Late Archaic and Terminal Prehistoric periods. Similarly, Eerkens et al.’s (2008b) study of Owens Valley house features shows substantially higher source diversity in Terminal Prehistoric houses than in Late or Middle Archaic ones, as well as higher variation between individual houses.

McGuire’s (2002) and Smith’s (2010) studies provide an excellent jumping-off point for a similar study of the current project sites. These sites boast a large assemblage of geochemically sourced artifacts, including not only projectile points, but also debitage from dated components. This study attempts to document whether the patterns observed by McGuire and Smith hold true not only for the westernmost project regions, but for the project area as a whole. A brief review of raw material profiles is offered (see chap. 11), followed by a more detailed examination of obsidian source profiles. Following Smith (2010), this study characterizes source profiles in terms both of diversity and average transport distances from source to site, although a somewhat different analysis of transport distances is used here. Given the limitations inherent in this linear transect through Nevada, no attempt is made to define or critique the “lithic conveyance zones” proposed by Smith and others.

Material Profiles

Rather than examining the complete profile of different material types, this review focuses on the ratio of obsidian to other lithic materials. This approach assumes that obsidian is typically preferred over other lithic materials (since obsidian does not require heat treatment and is comparatively easy to work), and that other materials, such as chert and basalt, are generally more abundant across the landscape than obsidian and thus require less effort to obtain. Thus, in areas where obsidian is not locally available, changes over time in the ratio of obsidian to nonobsidian in archaeological sites can serve as a rough measure of changes in a group’s ability to get access to remote source areas, whether by direct access or by exchange.

Given these assumptions, in combination with the trend toward decreasing overall foraging range throughout prehistory, one should expect to see a consistent decline in the proportion of obsidian. Indeed, this is what the project sites show. Table 79 shows the average proportion of obsidian in debitage assemblages from the 390 dated temporal components containing flaked stone (each component is weighted equally, regardless of the overall size of the component assemblage). The overall proportion of obsidian drops steadily throughout the chronological sequence, starting at 92% in the earliest periods and reaching a low of 18% in the Terminal Prehistoric. This trend is apparent outside the High Rock Country region; there obsidian is more or less ubiquitous, and its use remains high through time. Particularly in the Upper Lahontan Basin and Thousand Springs Valley regions, there seems to have been a very pronounced shift away from use of obsidian at the transition between the Middle and Late Archaic.

While this projectwide trend is striking, it arose at least partially from overall shifts in settlement throughout the project area. Most of the early components are in the obsidian-rich western project area, while later periods show increasing representation in the obsidian-poor eastern areas (see chap. 10). Thus, it is best to consider the four regions individually, within each of which the distance from archaeological sites to obsidian sources is more or less stable through time. (It should be noted that small sample sizes do render some of the individual averages suspect.) In all but the High Rock Country region, the biggest change is between the Middle and Late Archaic, where there is evidence of a major shift away from use of obsidian. This would seem to suggest that technological change accompanying adoption of the bow and arrow played the biggest single role in changing patterns of lithic raw material use.

Time-sensitive projectile points show a similar pattern. Table 80 shows the proportion of obsidian in each of eight diagnostic projectile point types collected during the project (both from treated sites and from isolated contexts and surface collections from unexcavated sites). As with debitage from dated components, the overall project trend is of decreasing obsidian use over time, although the same caveat applies: earlier-dating types tend to be found in the obsidian-rich western region, while higher proportions of later-dating types are found in the obsidian-poor eastern regions. Within each area, the trend is still one of overall decreasing use of obsidian, although the eastern regions actually show a small rebound in the proportion of obsidian in Terminal Prehistoric Desert Series points relative to Late Archaic Rosegate points.

It is also worth considering contrasts between the component debitage and the projectile point datasets. Throughout the Great Basin, finished tools such as projectile points are often made of more exotic materials than debitage from the same settings, whether because of trade in finished tools, or curation and discard of tools by mobile groups with access to exotic materials at a previous point in a seasonal round, or some combination of these. Consistent with that pattern, our projectile points are more commonly fashioned from obsidian than is the debitage in nearly all regions and time periods. The exception is the High Rock Country, where later point types are actually slightly less commonly made from obsidian than is debitage.

Obsidian Source Diversity Statistics

Diversity is a quantitative measure of how many different types (e.g., obsidian sources) are represented in a sample, and how evenly those types are distributed within the sample. The Shannon diversity index used here is based on the weighted geometric mean of the abundances of each type in the sample, and approaches zero in samples composed mostly or entirely of one type. As a result, the higher the index value, the greater amount of diversity is represented by the sample. In archaeological sites, changes over time in the diversity statistics for obsidian sources could result from some combination of changes in the overall number of sources available, as well as changes in patterns of acquisition, i.e., regularity of access. As discussed above, previous studies in the region have shown the highest overall diversity in the Paleoindian/Paleoarchaic periods, when overall mobility is thought to have been extremely high, providing access to a range of far-flung sources; the lowest overall diversity occurred during the Middle Archaic, when overall foraging ranges were smaller, and obsidian procurement tended to be focused on a smaller number of preferred sources.

Table 81 shows the average diversity statistic for the 256 temporal components with 10 or more sourced pieces of obsidian debitage (all components are weighted equally, regardless of sample size). It should be noted that the overall number of components in the easternmost project area is low, due to the general scarcity of obsidian, and that early components are poorly represented projectwide. Notwithstanding these cautions, the data closely parallel the trends previously observed by McGuire (2002) and Smith (2010). The highest overall diversity statistics are from the Paleoindian and Paleoarchaic sites, while Early and Middle Archaic sources show the lowest overall diversity, perfectly in line with the trends documented by earlier studies. The previously documented rebound in source diversity late in time is also borne out by the project components. The exact timing of this increase appears to have varied, however. In the High Rock Country, the Late Archaic record shows very low diversity, where in other (relatively obsidian-poor) regions, a pronounced upswing in diversity is already apparent by the Late Archaic Period. By the Terminal Prehistoric Period, all areas show high diversity, though not approaching the values seen in the Paleoindian and Paleoarchaic periods.

Some of this late increase in diversity could have been the result of technological changes associated with the introduction of the bow and arrow, which could have rendered a wider range of obsidian sources suitable for use if, for example, a local obsidian source was only available as small pebbles. However, this does not appear to be the primary reason for the change, as revealed by transport-distance statistics.

Transport Distances and the Obsidian Procurement Premium

While the source diversity statistics suggest some substantial changes through time regarding how obsidian was obtained, the exact nature of those changes remains open to interpretation. The trends could reflect some combination of changes in overall settlement range; the pattern of procurement, whether embedded, logistical, or trade based; and other factors, such as changes in lithic technology and size requirements. A consideration of average transport distance, as presented by Smith (2010), might serve to disentangle some of these factors. For example, the high diversity in early components in the High Rock region could reflect a mix that includes many distant sources, or simply a more eclectic selection of the many locally available sources; an examination of transport distances could resolve this question.

However, average transport distances cannot be compared across larger areas such as the study corridor, because obsidian-rich areas (such as the High Rock region) will naturally tend to have lower average transport distances than obsidian-poor areas. A more desirable complement to diversity statistics would be a measurement of transport distance that reduces the effect of source proximity. Toward that end, we introduce the concept of an “obsidian procurement premium,” which is simply the extra distance traveled to obtain the raw obsidian actually used, beyond the shortest possible distance to any source of obsidian. Thus, a projectile point fashioned of obsidian from the nearest source would have a procurement premium of zero, regardless of the distance of that source. A point made from an obsidian source 50 km distant, while an equally suitable obsidian source is only 30 km distant, would have a premium value of 20 km. As with transport distance, the procurement premium can be calculated for single artifacts and as an average of all (sourced) obsidian from a site or component area. The premium is thus a measure of how rational an artifact or assemblage source profile appears to be, from the perspective of a person whose foraging range is centered on the site. From this simplistic least-effort perspective, of course, the most rational choice would be to obtain obsidian only from the closest source. Since this is rarely the case, one can expect average obsidian procurement premiums to be somewhat above zero. However, premiums should rise significantly when other considerations beyond the simple economics of travel to a source area come into play, such as territorial circumscription or long-distance trade in finished tools, or any number of other factors not directly related to lithic procurement. The procurement premium should allow us to identify when and where those factors become more important, if not what those factors are specifically.

As with any analysis of obsidian transport distances, this analysis makes a number of assumptions, most important of which are the following: source area extents are reasonably well known; the proportion of unknowns is small enough not to skew the analysis; various sources of obsidian are reasonably equal as far as their potential to be made into tools; and linear distance is a sufficient proxy for the actual effort involved in obtaining source material.

These procurement premium values are calculated for individual diagnostic projectile points, as well as for debitage assemblages from dated components, using a simple analysis carried out in a geographic information system (GIS). For each component area (or projectile point), we calculate its distance to the nearest obsidian source. Then, for each item, we calculate the distance to the actual source area from which the item was fashioned; the difference between these two numbers is the procurement premium. For debitage assemblages, an average procurement premium is calculated for each component. These component averages are in turn averaged over the entire period/region, with individual components weighted equally.

The source extents come from several places, including the Northwest Research (2013) online obsidian source database, Richard Hughes’ field visits during this project, and the 59 project sites identified as primary quarry areas. Most of these data are available only as point locations, so they are simply enclosed by a polygon drawn freehand around them in the GIS. While many of these polygons could undoubtedly use some refinement, it seems unlikely that this would affect the calculated premiums substantially.

For both the component debitage and the projectile point analyses, we include tentative source assignments. Unknowns are not included in the analysis, however, since their distance to source cannot be calculated. Unknowns make up only 136 of the 3759 sourced pieces of debitage (3.6%), and 89 of the 1218 typed points (7.3%).

Debitage from Dated Components

Table 82 shows the average procurement premiums for the 340 dated components with sourced obsidian, summarizing more than 3600 individually sourced flakes. Note that some of the individual averages are based on small sample sizes, so those values should be interpreted with caution. Unlike the material profiles presented above, however, these premium values should theoretically be independent of overall distance to source, so in this case it is appropriate to look at the projectwide average.

For most time periods, the average procurement premium for debitage is low, on the order of only a few kilometers, even in the earliest periods of prehistory. Thus it appears the previously remarked high source diversity in the Paleoindian and Paleoarchaic periods originates from a more eclectic selection of nearby sources, rather than from significant inclusion of far-distant sources. The only hint of elevated distance-to-source in debitage profiles during these periods comes from the few components in the Upper Lahontan Basin, though these numbers originate from use of comparatively nearby sources (e.g., use of Double H obsidian at sites where Massacre Lake/Guano Valley is marginally closer, and vice versa). Figure 63 shows the paths from source to site graphically for these time periods.

Post-Mazama, Early Archaic, and Middle Archaic debitage premiums are also low (figs. 64–66). The comparatively high Early Archaic premium for the Upper Humboldt Plains is driven by two components (26EK9200/12031 Locus F and 26EK11836), but in these cases it is only the comparatively nearby Browns Bench and Paradise Valley sources that are overrepresented in each, not the extremely distant sources common in the latest periods. One notable pattern that does not register statistically is the presence of a few pieces of Mt. Majuba obsidian in three Upper Humboldt Plains components (fig. 66); this source is almost entirely absent from other debitage assemblages.

Fig. 63. Paths from source to site for Paleoindian and Paleoarchaic Period components.

Fig. 64. Paths from source to site for Post-Mazama Period components.

Fig. 65. Paths from source to site for Early Archaic Period components.

Fig. 66. Paths from source to site for Middle Archaic Period components.

Late Archaic debitage assemblages show an upswing in the premium statistic, reflecting the addition of sources absent from earlier assemblages (fig. 67). The single Late Archaic component in the Thousand Springs Valley region (26EK9178/12133 Locus E) has an atypically high premium of 42.3 km, including two distant sources not seen in any other debitage assemblage (Walcott Tuff and Timber Butte, both in Idaho; fig. 64), and another seen in only one other assemblage (Topaz Mountain, in Utah). This component, it should be noted, is one of the few from the project containing grayware pottery. Together with the generally eastern-oriented source profile, this suggests a Fremont interaction (see chap. 5). If other Late Archaic components could be identified from the region, would they show a similarly diverse, high-premium profile? And, if so, would this be the precursor to the Terminal Prehistoric pattern seen throughout the central and eastern project area?

Fig. 67. Paths from source to site for Late Archaic Period components.

This leads to the most striking feature of the table, namely the extremely high average premium in the Terminal Prehistoric, more than 10 times higher than the average for any other period. Notable in this sample is the obsidian from an otherwise unremarkable site in the Upper Lahontan Basin (26HU4808), the majority of which was sourced to Mount Hicks more than 300 km away. This site also contains a few pieces of Owyhee obsidian, a source nearly as far away in the opposite direction. While this one component has an average premium of 204 km, it is by no means an extreme outlier; five of the 14 Terminal Prehistoric components have premiums exceeding 50 km. Terminal Prehistoric premiums are not only higher on average, but also much more variable than in earlier periods, with several of the remaining components showing premiums near or equal to zero. The primary sources driving higher premiums in the Terminal Prehistoric assemblages make their first appearance during this period: Owyhee, in southeastern Oregon, and Big Southern Butte, in central Idaho. Figure 68 shows the travel pattern for Terminal Prehistoric components. Interestingly, hardly any sources from the western parts of the project area are represented in Terminal Prehistoric components, even though several significantly more distant sources are represented. This suggests a primarily north-south pattern of conveyance rather than east-west. Might this reflect the Paiute/Shoshone ethnographic boundary?

Fig. 68. Paths from source to site for Terminal Prehistoric Period components.

Projectile Points

Table 83 shows the procurement premium statistics for the 1131 diagnostic obsidian points from the project. Projectwide, just as McGuire (2002) and Smith (2010) observed, distant sources are better represented in the earliest periods, reach a minimum in the Early and Middle Archaic, and rebound strongly in the Terminal Prehistoric. This pattern is strikingly unlike the trends for debitage, where premiums remain low throughout prehistory until they rise substantially in the Terminal Prehistoric. It should be noted that this trend is not uniform across regions; the early pattern is represented very weakly in the Upper Humboldt Plains and not at all in the Thousand Springs Valley region. The reason is that both these areas have very small samples of early types (see chap. 10).

Figure 69 shows travel paths for Great Basin Concave Base and Great Basin Stemmed points. The nonlocal sources driving the higher premiums primarily include Bordwell Group obsidians as well as a few more distant outliers, such as the single piece of East Medicine Lake obsidian from the project (a Great Basin Concave Base point from site 26WA8730).

Fig. 69. Paths from source to site for Great Basin Concave Base and Great Basin Stemmed points.

Figure 70 shows travel paths for Northern Side-notched points, considered a Post-Mazama Period marker. Noteworthy here is a point from site 26HU5222 fashioned from Browns Bench obsidian, representing one of the only pieces of Browns Bench obsidian found in the western project areas.

Fig. 70. Paths from source to site for Northern Side-notched points.

Travel paths for Humboldt and Gatecliff points, both primarily Early Archaic types, are shown in figure 71 and figure 72, respectively. In keeping with their lower average procurement premium values, most points from these periods are made from obsidian from nearby sources, though there are a few distant outliers made of Malad and Double O obsidians. There seems to be an interesting preference for Mt. Majuba obsidian in Humboldt points that is not seen in later types. Also, both Humboldt and Gatecliff point types seem to reflect a preference for Bordwell Group obsidians that is hardly reflected in the corresponding debitage assemblages.

Fig. 71. Paths from source to site for Humboldt points.

Fig. 72. Paths from source to site for Gatecliff points.

Middle Archaic Elko points (fig. 73) show some of the lowest average premiums of any point type, consistent with the expected pattern of regularized access to a smaller number of preferred sources. There does seem to be a continuing preference for Bordwell Group obsidians that is reflected only in finished tools, similar to the Early Archaic pattern.

Fig. 73. Paths from source to site for Elko points.

Rosegate points show a slight increase in overall premiums, though there are some interesting outliers, including a single point from site 26EK11888 made from Queen obsidian, more than 400 km from the site where it was found (fig. 74); this is the only piece of Queen obsidian from the entire project area. This point is responsible for the very high average for Rosegate points from the Upper Humboldt Plains; without it, the average for the region would be only 22.1 km, which is still much higher than previous averages for this region. Also noteworthy is a Rosegate point from site 26HU2184/5272 in the Upper Lahontan Basin area that is fashioned from Owyhee obsidian. This is the only piece of Owyhee obsidian from a dated context or point type previous to the Terminal Prehistoric Period.

Fig. 74. Paths from source to site for Rosegate Points.

Desert Series points (fig. 75) show an extremely chaotic travel pattern, as reflected in their high premium statistics, and are similar to corresponding Terminal Prehistoric debitage assemblages (see fig. 63). As with debitage, premium statistics are not only higher on average, but also much more variable than in earlier periods. Worthy of particular note are three Desert Series points from site 26HU4808, all made from Mount Hicks obsidian, which are partially responsible for the very high premium value of 71.4 km from the Upper Lahontan Basin region. As noted above, much of the debitage from this site is also of Mount Hicks obsidian.

Fig. 75. Paths from source to site for Desert Series points.

Projectwide, and in most time periods, premiums for diagnostic projectile points are generally higher than for debitage assemblages from their corresponding periods (fig. 76). The exception is the Terminal Prehistoric, where debitage premiums are higher than those for projectile points, indicating that obsidian debitage from nonlocal sources is at least as often as finished tools.

Fig. 76. Procurement premiums for Debitage and Projectile points.

Discussion

As we have shown, there are several complementary pictures of obsidian procurement, provided by diversity statistics for debitage and procurement-premium statistics for debitage and projectile points. Source diversity shows the same trends documented by McGuire (2002) and Smith (2010), with the widest range of sources represented in the earliest periods, followed by minimum diversity in the Early and Middle Archaic and a spike in diversity in the Late Archaic and Terminal Prehistoric periods. Average travel distances, as reported here via the procurement premium statistic, mirror this pattern to some extent. While projectile points show corresponding changes in travel distances, this is not reflected in the debitage, which is much more consistently made from local sources throughout prehistory, until a sudden upswing in the proportion of distant sources in the Terminal Prehistoric Period.

The early pattern can be explained most easily as a result of lithic procurement that is embedded within the highly mobile settlement system thought to have been typical of these populations. Debitage is composed of local sources because it reflects retooling activity, while projectile points were manufactured earlier in the settlement round out of the source materials that were then the most locally available. Debitage source diversity is high in the western project areas, not because distant sources are included, but because each component tends to have a wide assortment of nearby sources. This indicates an opportunistic, unsystematized approach to lithic procurement relative to later periods.

The Early and Middle Archaic pattern, with its comparatively low source diversity, as well as low premium statistics for both points and debitage, reflects relatively regularized access to a smaller number of sources. This pattern can be seen in the increased use of the major sources in the project area, such as Massacre Lake/Guano Valley and Craine Creek (see chap. 11). Certain nonlocal sources, such as Bordwell Group obsidians, also seem to have been favored to an extent, being disproportionately common among finished tools. Whether this reflects a regular pattern of residential mobility between the western part of the current study area and areas to the south or targeted logistical procurement of these sources remains unclear.

The Terminal Prehistoric pattern, with high source diversity as well as high (and highly variable) premium statistics for both points and debitage, likely reflects the growth of trade interactions, but in a much more ad hoc, happenstance fashion than the purported Middle Archaic obsidian trade (e.g., Gilreath and Hildebrandt, 2011; King et al., 2011), and with seemingly greater disregard for the economics of transporting the material. The transported obsidian included some quantity of raw material, not just finished tools or biface blanks. The near absence of western sources is notable. It could be that the cultural connections shared by the Numic groups thought to have expanded into the region during the Terminal Prehistoric somewhat dictated the directionality of this late movement.

It should be kept in mind that obsidian makes up a small proportion of the late prehistoric lithic record in the eastern project areas, less than 5% of raw material and less than one third of finished points, and that the Terminal Prehistoric has among the lowest proportions of obsidian of any period (see table 79 and table 80). High-quality lithic material, in the form of Tosawihi chert, is available relatively close to many of the Terminal Prehistoric components in this study. Why did obsidian source diversity and travel distance go up so drastically while overall use of obsidian was so low? It seems likely that the Western Shoshone bands occupying these sites, with their relatively low mobility relative to earlier populations, had little or no direct access to local obsidian in most settings nor any compelling technological reason for seeking it out. For these groups, obsidian may have played the role of a luxury or novelty item, available only by down-the-line trade (Eerkens et al., 2008a), or perhaps via interactions with Northern Shoshone on horseback (see Northern Paiute, Western Shoshone, and the Numic Expansion, page 329). The initial appearance of Owyhee obsidian in Terminal Prehistoric components lends some credence to the latter idea.

However obsidian was obtained, its trade was likely undertaken not on the economic merits of the material itself, but as a means of facilitating relations with outside groups, including the exchange of other, more economically important items. Thus, obsidian as a trade item could have had a functional role similar to that of shell beads (Rosenthal, 2011), which traveled even greater distances through the prehistoric Great Basin.

CHAPTER 15: NORTHERN PAIUTE, WESTERN SHOSHONE,
AND THE NUMIC EXPANSION

William Hildebrandt

A great deal of debate surrounds the origin and dispersal of Numic languages in the Great Basin. Most of the historical linguistic literature, however, shows that both the Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone probably separated from their linguistic progenitors in southeastern California relatively late in time (post-1000 cal b.p.) and spread northward rather quickly in two discrete migrations (Lamb, 1958; Miller, 1966; Goss, 1968; Miller et al., 1971; Fowler, 1972; Golla, 2011; but see Aikens, 1994; Grayson, 2011). Possible archaeological correlates for these migrations have been forwarded by multiple researchers (Bettinger and Baumhoff, 1982; Delacorte, 2008; Delacorte and Basgall, 2012), including a shift from Lovelock Wickerware to coiled basketry (Adovasio, 1986; Fowler and Dawson, 1986; Adovasio and Pedler, 1994; cf. Connolly, 2013) and a new reliance on seed beaters and triangular winnowing trays for the collection and processing of small-seed resources (Bettinger and Baumhoff, 1982).

These studies typically combine the Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone as part of the more generalized Numic expansion, as most researchers feel that the archaeological and linguistic records lack a sufficient level of cultural or temporal resolution to differentiate between them, let alone determine which migration occurred first. But there are actually significant differences in the archaeological records of the two groups that have been underappreciated until now. This is especially the case for pottery, which was used by the Western Shoshone and not the Northern Paiute. Pottery and its linkage to small-seed intensification combined with contrasts in the cultural and ecological landscapes that were traversed by each of the two groups, indicate that the Western Shoshone expanded at a much quicker rate than the Northern Paiute, creating an older and more robust archaeological record along the eastern end of the project corridor.

Explaining the Distribution of Brownware Pottery across Northern Nevada

Previous studies of brownware pottery have shown that it is distributed throughout the Great Basin except for northwestern Nevada and southern Oregon where, with few exceptions, it is essentially absent (Tuohy, 1973; Madsen, 1986; Pippen, 1986). The lack of pottery in northwestern Nevada, which Tuohy (1973) called Nevada’s non-ceramic culture sphere, largely corresponds to Northern Paiute lands—easily seen by overlaying the boundary between Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone territory onto Tuohy’s (1973) original pottery distribution map (fig. 77). This relationship is confirmed by the current findings, as all sites containing pottery are east of the Paiute-Shoshone boundary, within the Upper Humboldt Plains and Thousand Springs Valley regions (fig. 78). These archaeological patterns are also consistent with the ethnographic record, documented by Steward (1941: 242, 1941: 295, 1943: 375) in regard to pottery among the Shoshonian groups, and by Stewart (1941: 389), who noted the lack of this technology among the Northern Paiute.

Fig. 77. Distribution of brownware pottery in Nevada from Tuohy (1973) overlain with the Northern Paiute–Western Shoshone boundary (Fowler and Liljeblad, 1986; Thomas et al., 1986).

Fig. 78. Distribution of pottery along the project corridor.

So why would one group use ceramics and the other not? Tuohy (1973) hypothesized that brownware pottery originated in the Numic homeland of southeastern California as an offshoot of earlier Puebloan ceramic traditions from the Southwest, and that the Northern Paiute left their ancestral homeland before the arrival of pottery in the area. Later, after pottery was introduced to the Numic homeland, the Western Shoshone migrated outward, bringing the technology with them. To our knowledge, no other researchers have seriously evaluated Tuohy’s hypothesis, nor have alternative hypotheses been forwarded to explain this rather strange geographic distribution of such an important technology.

Eerkens’ Small-Seed/Pottery Hypothesis

A major problem with Tuohy’s (1973) hypothesis, however, is that there was a great deal of interaction among Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone groups, including frequent occurrences of bilingualism and intermarriage (Fowler and Liljeblad, 1986). It seems likely, therefore, that the Northern Paiute chose not to use pottery for reasons beyond historical contingencies linked to their ethnolinguistic heritage. One possible technoecological explanation can be developed from Hockett’s (2008) studies in northeastern Nevada where he encountered higher frequencies of pottery within pinyon habitats than in other environmental zones. These findings led him to conclude that there must be some sort of functional association between the two. There is some support for this association in the ethnographic record, as Steward (1933) noted that pinyon nuts were cooked in pots by the Owens Valley Paiute. More pertinent to the present study, however, Steward (1941) also stated that the Western Shoshone did not use pots for this purpose. Furthermore, the Northern Paiute were known to intensively use pinyon (Fowler, 1986; Wheat, 1967) despite the absence of pottery within their subsistence technology.

With these considerations in mind, we favor an alternative hypothesis stemming from the work of Eerkens in the Numic homeland of southeastern California (Eerkens and Rosenthal, 2002; Eerkens, 2004, 2008). Eerkens’ analysis of plant macrofossil data from multiple sites throughout southeastern California shows that the use of small seeds intensified at about 600 cal b.p., becoming a major component of the subsistence economy after that time. This change in subsistence focus largely correlates with the introduction of brownware pottery in the local area, which was used in earnest by about 500 cal b.p. (Pippen, 1986; Rhode, 1994; Delacorte, 1999; Eerkens, 2004) but could have started earlier, based on a large brownware assemblage more recently discovered in an Owens Valley house structure dating to 680 cal b.p. (Jackson et al., 2009). Importantly, pottery was found much more often in lowland areas, where small seeds are abundant, than in adjacent pinyon habitats (Eerkens, 2004: 660).

Eerkens (2004: 659) also has shown that cooking was one of the primary purposes for the pots, as they often have sooting or blackening on their exteriors. Moreover, gas chromatography–mass spectrometry (GC-MS) analysis of organic residues preserved within the interior walls shows they were primarily used to boil seeds, which is consistent with ethnographic studies on the subject. Extended boiling, in addition to grinding, is particularly important for small seeds, as it helps break down complex organic compounds that are otherwise difficult for humans to digest. While stone boiling in baskets can accomplish this task, it requires constant stirring of the stones so they do not burn the bottom of the basket, and regular replacement of the stones as they cool down. Pots, therefore, are more advantageous than stone boiling in baskets, because they can be put on an open fire or a set of coals to simmer with much less maintenance required by the cook.

But pots have their downside too, especially among mobile peoples like those occupying the Great Basin. They are much heavier and more fragile than baskets, and they require significant amounts of time and energy to produce (Eerkens, 2008). This explains why pottery is much more common among sedentary peoples than mobile peoples the world over (Arnold, 1985) and, where pottery occurs among mobile peoples, investment in its manufacture decreases with increasing levels of residential mobility (Simms et al., 1997; Bright and Ugan, 1999). Brownware appears to be a good example of the low investment strategy, with its thick-walled construction and absence of painted motifs.

With these considerations in mind, it seems likely that the Western Shoshone were more dependent on small seeds than the Northern Paiute and, following the ideas of Ugan et al. (2003) and Bettinger et al. (2006), this dependency justified greater investment in processing technology. While the costs of pottery outlined above are significant, and probably not worth the trouble if the technology was used on a sporadic basis, the intensity of small-seed use must have surpassed an important threshold among the Western Shoshone, making ceramic production a profitable enterprise.

Small-Seed Dependency among the Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone

Fowler and Liljeblad (1986) divide Northern Paiute lands into five subareas: Piedmont, Lake-River, Freshwater Marsh, Columbia–Snake River, and generalized. With the exception of the generalized subarea, all have significant wetland/riverine resources including fish, waterfowl, and various root crops, while small seeds are not considered primary resources in any of them (although they were still extensively used). Small seeds are much more important within the generalized subarea, which includes cold desert habitats scattered between the more productive wetland settings found in the other subareas.

Thomas et al. (1986: 266) painted a completely different picture for the Western Shoshone, stating that “plant procurement provided the economic mainstay for the Western Shoshone people.” Small-seed resources were important to all groups, and blazing star and goosefoot were known to have been purposely planted across much of north-central Nevada, with some people actually protecting their plots from trespass (Steward, 1938: 104, 1940: 482).

One of the more compelling lines of evidence for the contrasting importance of small seeds between the Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone comes from the names of the various groups occupying these lands. Many group names corresponded to the primary food resource in their districts, like the Trout Eaters along the lower Walker River and Walker Lake, or Eaters of Ryegrass Seed in Ruby Valley. When groups with food-related names are tallied, we find that 62% of the Northern Paiute bands have names associated with fish or root crops, but only 12% with small seeds—and both of the latter were named after seepweed from wetland habitats (table 84). Western Shoshone groups, in contrast, are named after seed plants 60% of the time, and most correspond to a unique dryland taxa (e.g., redtop grass, porcupine grass, ricegrass, blazing star, and ryegrass), clearly showing a much greater dependence on this resource type than was the case among Northern Paiute groups.

Archaeological Findings from the Ruby Pipeline Corridor

The eight project sites where brownware pottery sherds were found are: 26EK9178/12133 (N = 23), 26EK9200/12031 (N = 3), 26EK9484 (N = 3), 26EK11808 (N = 1), 26EK11888 (N = 16), 26EK11960 (N = 1), 26EK12130 (N = 62), and 26EK12333 (N = 1). While these sites produced radiocarbon dates of 540, 520, 510, 430, 400, and 140 cal b.p. (chap. 5), direct associations with pottery were quite rare. Tight associations occur only at 26EK11888, where four sherds were found with a date of 510 cal b.p., and one sherd with a date of 140 cal b.p. (see Hildebrandt et al., 2015). These findings fall within the Terminal Prehistoric Period and probably reflect a Western Shoshone occupation of the area.

Economically important plants recovered from Terminal Prehistoric components along the eastern half of the corridor are dominated by goosefoot, followed by wild rye, blue-eyed Mary, and several other small-seeded plants, consistent with the small-seed focus outlined above. Unfortunately, however, the remains of root crops do not preserve within the project sites for a variety reasons (chap. 13), so we cannot show contrasting dependencies on roots and small seeds among the Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone. Nevertheless, the greater importance of root crops out west appears to be reflected by an explosion in the density of flaked stone implements probably used to produce digging sticks, especially in parts of the High Rock Country where important root crops like epos (yampah) are abundantly present today (e.g., Barrel Springs; see chap. 13).

Timing of the Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone Spread across Nevada

Bettinger and Baumhoff (1982) characterized pre-Numic people in the western Great Basin as residentially mobile “travelers” who lived in relatively small groups, moving from one high-ranked resource patch to another on a regular basis. Because of their low densities and high level of mobility, they could be outcompeted by Numic peoples (characterized as “processors”) who were less mobile and had higher population densities, the latter made possible by their more intensive use of lower-ranked (but abundant) resources.

McGuire and Hildebrandt (2005) have taken exception to the “traveler” characterization of pre-Numic people, arguing that a critical look at the Middle/Late Archaic archaeological record (often linked to the Lovelock Culture) reveals that a high point of settlement stability took place at this time, with relatively large hunter-gatherer villages established in a variety of locations including the Humboldt Lake Bed (Livingston, 1986), Carson Sink (Raven and Elston, 1988; Raymond and Parks, 1990; Kelly, 2001; Madsen, 2002), Humboldt River (McGuire and King, 2011), Lake Abert–Chewacan Marsh (Oetting, 1990; Jenkins et al., 2000), and the Honey Lake–Reno area (Riddell, 1960; Elston et al., 1994; McGuire, 1997; Young et al., 2009). Although those groups were less sedentary than the agricultural villagers among the Fremont and western Puebloans, McGuire and Hildebrandt (2005) drew parallels among these settlement systems, emphasizing that the Fremont and western Puebloan people could hardly be considered “travelers,” but they too were replaced by Numic speakers (see also Simms, 2008).

Archaeological research at numerous Fremont and western Puebloan site complexes has shown that most were abandoned around 700 cal b.p., probably due to adverse weather conditions associated with the Medieval Climatic Anomaly (MCA; Berry and Berry, 1986; Madsen, 1989; Larson and Michaelsen, 1990; Grayson, 2011; McGuire et al., 2013). Some researchers think that Numic speakers moved into these areas after the agricultural settlements collapsed on their own; this conclusion is based on significant temporal gaps between the contrasting archaeological complexes (Pippen, 1986; Larson and Michaelsen, 1990; Lyneis, 1995; McGuire et al., 2013). Others think there were more direct interactions among these groups, based on sites where Fremont, Puebloan, and brownware pottery appear to co-occur in time (Fowler et al., 1973; Madsen, 1975; Ambler and Sutton, 1989; Janetski, 1993; Rhode, 1994).

The settlement history of the Middle/Late Archaic hunter-gatherer sites in the central and western Great Basin is much more subtle, as their occupants did not build large villages with masonry architectural remains, nor did they have distinctive pottery traditions. Nevertheless, many of these multihouse villages also show significant decreases in residential use at this time (Riddell, 1960; O’Connell and Inoway, 1994; McGuire, 2002; Young et al., 2009; McGuire and King, 2011). Benson et al. (2007), in fact, argued that the droughts associated with the MCA probably reduced wetland productivity in the western Great Basin, leading to the demise of the Lovelock Culture at about 700 cal b.p. (see also Aikens, 1994). It is also important to emphasize that the project corridor experienced a settlement disruption at about the same time, evidenced by a major dip in the frequency of radiocarbon dates between 1000 and 600 cal b.p. (chap. 10).

Irrespective of the degree of disruption associated with the MCA, it is important to remember that the western edge of the Great Basin was always better watered than the interior, and population densities were probably always higher. This is demonstrated by the geographic distribution of the Middle/Late Archaic villages listed above (and their association with the Lovelock Culture), which are restricted to what would become Northern Paiute lands. Proxy measures of Middle/Late Archaic population densities along the project corridor also show this pattern, as they are significantly higher in the west (Northern Paiute lands) than in the east, where the Western Shoshone ultimately settled. Surprisingly, however, this long-term demographic profile changed during the Terminal Prehistoric Period when, it appears, population densities were higher within Western Shoshone territory for the first time in prehistory (chap. 10).

The Not-so-ideal or Free Distribution of Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone Peoples

If the MCA led to major population declines across the entire Great Basin, leaving most of the land open for Numic-speaking groups, then IFD modeling would predict that the Northern Paiute expanded into the wetland areas of the west first, while the drier, less productive areas to the east would be infilled later by the Western Shoshone (Codding and Jones, 2013). But if human populations were not entirely depleted, it seems likely that densities would have been higher and more stable in the west, making it more difficult for a new people to displace them. If this were the case, it would have been easier for the Western Shoshone to expand into the arid lands of the central Great Basin, and they could have occupied the eastern end of the project corridor earlier than the Northern Paiute. If so, their earlier arrival might have left a more robust Numic archaeological signature on the landscape, contributing to the apparent shift in demography outlined above.

This hypothesis can easily be tested following the lead of Delacorte (2008) and his use of projectile point indexing. Though far from perfect, Desert Series points can be used as a rough indicator of Numic-speaking people, and the ratio of Desert Series to Rosegate points can be used to measure time lags in the movement and arrival of Numic-speaking groups during their northern migrations. Delacorte (2008) used this analytical approach along a latitudinal gradient within Northern Paiute lands, and found that the ratio of Desert Side-notched to Rosegate points was relatively high in the Numic homeland of southeastern California, where both point series were used for similar periods of time, but decreased with distance in more northerly latitudes in response to time lags in the arrival of Northern Paiute people to these locations (Hildebrandt and King, 2002; Delacorte and Basgall, 2012).

Although Delacorte (2008) used only Desert Side-notched points and we combine Desert Side-notched with Cottonwood points together into a single Desert Series, our ratio for the Northern Paiute portion of the corridor of 0.18:1 (table 85) is quite similar to Delacorte’s (0.19:1) from the same latitude in Massacre Lake Basin. Moving into Western Shoshone lands along the corridor, however, our ratio jumps to 0.49:1 (almost a threefold increase), indicating that this population must have arrived much earlier. The higher relative frequency of Desert Series points is also accompanied by greater quantities of milling gear and pottery, all pointing toward the intensive use of small-seeded resources. The fact that this robust Terminal Prehistoric record is only visible within Western Shoshone territory is rather surprising, especially because it violates the expectations of IFD modeling (i.e., high-quality western habitats should always have the highest population densities). Multiple factors probably contribute to this unexpected finding, including the greater longevity of the Western Shoshone occupation, seed beater technology serving to increase the value of the previously low-ranking eastern habitats, and the lack of a small-seed focus within the root-oriented lands of the Northern Paiute, creating a more subtle archaeological record where milling gear and pottery were not always essential components of local subsistence activities.

Evidence of the Horse during the Terminal Prehistoric/Ethnohistoric Period

We close this chapter with one of the most intriguing findings from the project corridor—an explosion in the frequency of distant, exotic obsidian types during the Terminal Prehistoric Period. As outlined in more detail in chapter 14, projectwide obsidian source studies produced results that are largely consistent with previous investigations for the early intervals of prehistory (Jones et al., 2003, 2012; Smith, 2010), with relatively high conveyance distances found during the Paleoarchaic Period, followed by the use of more local tool stones later in time, especially during the Early and Middle Archaic periods. This general pattern probably reflects high levels of residential mobility early on, when human population densities were low, and less mobility later in time, when population densities were significantly higher. Many researchers believe that human populations continued to increase during the Terminal Prehistoric Period (Bettinger, 1999a; Simms, 2008), or at least held their own (chap. 10), so it follows that obsidian conveyance distances should have declined, or at least remained the same (Delacorte and Basgall, 2012).

Although the expectation for reduced obsidian conveyance distances late in time has not always been met (McGuire, 2002; Eerkens et al., 2008a; Smith, 2010), we were completely surprised by the scale of the distances reflected by the current Terminal Prehistoric findings (see chap. 14). The average distance traveled by projectile points and debitage was much greater than any other time period. Some of the most conspicuous findings include obsidian from Mount Hicks in western Nevada (340 km away), Big Southern Butte in Southern Idaho (360 km), and Owyhee in southeastern Oregon (260 km). The fact that these findings include debitage indicates that some of material arrived as unfinished items, despite traveling hundreds of kilometers from the quarry.

What could account for this strange development? While we acknowledge the great distances people can cover on foot (Aikens, 2009), we think that the magnitude of these changes could reflect the introduction of the horse to the northern Great Basin. Horses were introduced to the Southwest in earnest about a.d. 1600 when the Spanish established a settlement in Santa Fe and began trading them to local Native American populations. Some of the earliest recipients of the horse were the Utes, who then traded them northward to the Northern Shoshone, with the latter receiving them by about 1690 (260 cal b.p.; Wissler, 1914; Haines, 1938; Sutton, 1986). While there is no evidence for the regular use of the horse among the Western Shoshone, it is important to emphasize that several Northern Shoshone groups occupied lands on the Snake River drainage, only 50 miles north of the project corridor.

The Northern Shoshone made good use of the horse largely because their territory included superior grassland habitats, which supported large herds of bison and provided forage for their herds of horses. The addition of the horse revolutionized their economy, allowing them to travel great distances and acquire great wealth in the form of food and hides, which could (along with horses) be traded with their neighbors for a variety of commodities. Some of these trips covered 1200 miles, reaching the east side of the Rocky Mountains as bison populations began to dwindle along the western margins of their range. Many of these excursions also included the raiding of neighboring peoples, including theft of their women, with nonequestrian people especially vulnerable to these attacks (Steward, 1938; Murphy and Murphy, 1986).

Little is known about the extent of these activities in northern Nevada, because no early chroniclers were around to observe and record them. By 1742, however, the explorer Chevalier de la Verendrye noted that the Northern Shoshone had fully integrated the horse into their culture, traveling out to North Dakota where (Blegen, 1925: 118): “They are friendly to no tribe. We are told that in 1741 they had entirely destroyed 17 villages, and killed all the old men and old women, and made slaves of the young women and had traded them to the seacoast for horses and merchandise.”

It seems clear, therefore, that the Northern Shoshone were more than capable of covering a great deal of ground by the early 1700s, and could have done so in the Great Basin with little difficulty. It was not until 1827 that the first Euro-American (Jedediah Smith) crossed through the Great Basin and made notes of his travels (Layton, 1981). During this trip he camped at the south end of Walker Lake, only 20 miles north of the Mount Hicks obsidian source. During the night, he was awakened by the arrival of 20 to 30 horsemen. “I observed these indians had some Buffalo Robes…which appears they have some communication with the indians on Lewis’ river…” (Brooks, 1977: 176); Lewis’ “river” refers to the Snake or Columbia River drainages.

The first written record from the Humboldt River comes from Peter Ogden in 1828, who found a trail near Golconda (10 miles south of the project corridor), where Williams (1971: 108) noted:

[A] number of horses have traveled in this quarter, probably not less than 400, and if I may judge from appearances in one of their camps there could not have been less than 300 Indians. In the afternoon eight paid us a visit. An elderly man of the party who understands the lower Snake language, informed me that the distance was great to the sources [of the Humboldt River].

Finally, Ogden also noted about a week later that “three Snake Indians with their horses arrived and informed us they were from the Main Falls of the Snake River” (Williams, 1971: 110).

It is clear from these accounts that Northern Shoshone horsemen traveled freely across the Great Basin and could have expanded local exchange systems in a significant way. Moving obsidian from sources like Mount Hicks up to the project corridor and beyond was obviously possible, judging from the visit to Jedediah Smith’s camp only 20 miles from the source. We must admit, however, that we currently lack the chronological precision necessary to distinguish between Terminal Prehistoric materials postdating 260 cal b.p. and those dating to earlier times. This is particularly the case for time-sensitive projectile points (i.e., Desert Side-notched and Cottonwood forms) and obsidian hydration readings, which comprise the majority of the data we have. Nevertheless, we feel that this is an important hypothesis that should be actively pursued into the future.

CHAPTER 16: NUMIC USE OF WOODEN PRONGHORN ENCLOSURES

Allika Ruby

Two of the project sites, 26EK3959 and 26EK12310, contain the remains of wooden animal enclosures that are thought to have been used by prehistoric hunting groups to capture pronghorn. In all, four prehistoric and one historic-era enclosures built of juniper wood were found within a 3 × 2 km area along Fivemile Draw (fig. 79).

Fig. 79. Fivemile Draw and Dixie pronghorn traps.

Other similar “trap” features have been identified in the Great Basin and have stimulated lively scholarly debate concerning their use, age, and importance to prehistoric groups (fig. 80). Most are found in Nevada east of the Ruby Mountains and between Walker and Mono lakes (Hockett et al., 2013; Arkush, 2014). Aside from their obvious subsistence function—the mass capture of artiodactyls—they are important in the Great Basin because they represent one of the few archaeological manifestations of communal effort. Prior studies have generally been conducted at the survey level, and the current project has provided a rare opportunity to conduct a more intensive investigation.

Fig. 80. Prehistoric wooden animal enclosures in northeastern Nevada.

Available reports of traps in northeastern Nevada (e.g., Hockett, 2005; Hockett and Murphy, 2009; Murphy and Frampton, 1986; Polk, 1987; Jensen, 2007) almost uniformly describe these features as circular to elliptical enclosures spanning 200 to 600 m in diameter, each having an opening at one end, and made from juniper limbs and/or trunks. These features tend to be located on alluvial fans or fan piedmonts along the margins of the juniper zone on the lower flanks of mountain ranges. Many retain evidence of wing walls as well. Their openings tend to be at lower elevations than the back ends and are placed in locales that screen at least a portion of the enclosure from view downslope (figs. 81 and 82). Thus, an animal being driven upslope toward a corral would not be able to see the rear of the trap until it was well within the enclosure. In Nevada, known wooden enclosures are documented mainly in areas occupied by Western Shoshone groups, although they are also present in historic-era Paiute territory and in aboriginal Washoe territory in western Nevada (Hockett et al., 2013; Arkush, 2014).

Fig. 81. Panoramic view from mouth of Dixie Trap, into the trap.

Fig. 82. Panoramic view from apex of Dixie Trap, down toward mouth of trap.

The dating of these hunting features has mostly relied on artifact associations, as few have been directly dated. In their study of the Spruce Mountain trap complex, Bryan Hockett and Tim Murphy (2009) found that associated Gatecliff projectile points indicated use extending to 5700–3800 cal b.p., and argued that several projectile point clusters likely represent locations of traps that have since decayed. Jill Jensen obtained 18 accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dates from six traps that span a.d. 1450 to 1800, with most dates overlapping at ca. a.d. 1650 (Jensen, 2007). She concluded that these features predated the ethnographic period and cautioned that ethnographic accounts may not adequately describe the processes used during their construction. In another study (Polk, 1987), seven traps were subjected to dendrochronology analysis, but the results were inconclusive; they were “grossly” dated to the late prehistoric or early historic period based on the estimated ages of the wood.

Pronghorn Behavior

The construction techniques used in archaeological traps reflect an intimate understanding of pronghorn behavior. These animals are adapted to the open plains and are naturally social. In winter, they aggregate with all sexes and classes present, ranging from two to thousands (Lubinski, 1999). They are also somewhat predictable in their daily and seasonal movements, and their modern migration routes are highly regular. Their excellent vision enables them to spot objects sometimes miles away. They are capable of short bursts of speed, sometimes 60–70 mph, and broad-jumping (4.3–8.2 m), but they are poor vertical jumpers and cannot maintain fast speeds. Modern drives conducted by wildlife biologists demonstrate that their aversion to vertical jumping is a key exploitable characteristic, as they are relatively easy to keep in an enclosure once they are driven in. They prefer to search for openings to escape, but may jump if panicked and are capable of clearing obstacles six feet tall. Larger enclosures thus tend to be more successful, as the animals will expend energy seeking an opening and are less likely to panic and jump. A barrier height as low as four feet (1.2 m) can be sufficient to contain pronghorn that are not crowded in a pen, according to one study conducted in Wyoming (Spillett and Zobell, 1967). They are wary and will tend to bolt and scatter if spooked, unlike other herding animals (e.g., bison) that tend to stampede as a group. Thus, a successful hunt requires careful planning and stealth by the hunters.

Ethnographic Evidence

Ethnographic accounts (e.g., Steward, 1938) often mention constructed facilities used during hunting, although few accounts describe wooden facilities such as those at 26EK3959 and 26EK12310. For developed discussions of the ethnographic literature relevant to “antelope” [pronghorn] drives, refer to Jensen (2007: 21–27) and Lubinski (1999).

These facilities likely required group participation. Small-scale communal efforts are thought to have produced blinds, drive lines, or V-wings, but not the large wooden enclosures (e.g., Jensen, 2007). Jensen (2007), for example, estimates that a wooden trap might require 133 person-days to build. A trapping group might involve several drivers, one or more archers, and a number of butchers. Some accounts note that a shaman would lead the hunt, and Steward (1938: 163) describes “large crowds” participating. Some accounts noted that the hunts were conducted only rarely, while others stated they occurred once or twice a year. The effects of Euro-American settlement may have reduced their frequency, however.

Hunts were reported during the spring, fall, and winter seasons (Steward, 1941). Notably, most accounts describe sagebrush as the dominant construction material and not wood, which is more labor-intensive to gather. Some records note that pronghorn meat was undesirable compared to other large game, but that the hides were valued for clothing. The frequency of hunts attested to by the participants vary widely, with some suggesting that local pronghorn populations would require several years to recover before another hunt could proceed (e.g., Egan, 1917), while others indicated they were an annual event (Steward, 1938).

The following is excerpted from Major Howard Egan’s diary, which covers the years 1846 to 1878 (Egan, 1917). He vividly describes a Gosiute Shoshone “antelope” drive that was conducted about 20 miles northwest of Deep Creek in northwestern Utah. His narrative indicates full participation of the group, including women and children:

[They] were busy repairing and extending the flanking arms of the old corral, or trap pen….

Each knew just what part and place he or she was to take. By daylight all were ready for the start and, in fact, a number of the young men had left early in the evening before to go to the extreme south end of the ground to be covered and about 20 miles from the pen. They were to spread apart across the valley, travel in open order back to the north, being careful that not one of the antelope jumped would run, except in a northerly direction.

This valley has a good many hills or knolls along the base of the mountains and a few of them scattered more to the center of the level ground in the middle of the valley. An antelope, when started up, will always run directly for one of these, that lay opposite from where he gets his scare from, and they run from hill to hill.

Thus it goes till they come to the line between the outer ends of the arms, which, there, are about four miles apart but gradually closing in as they get nearer the pen. The arms or leads are started at the extreme ends by simply prying or pulling up a large sagebrush and standing it roots up on the top of another brush, thus making a tall, black object visible for miles. The standing of these brush were at first some 10 to 20 feet apart, but were placed more and more near together the nearer towards the pen, and when the two lines came to about 100 yards apart they were built so the buts [sic] of the brush were as close as the tops would allow them to be joined and by this time both wings had swung to the east side of the valley, where there were many ravines to cross and plenty of cedar and pine to use for fencing.

There were many turns to the lane thus formed, but was getting narrower and stronger till finally, around a sharp turn through a large, thick bunch of cedars, the game were in one corral, which was about two hundred feet in diameter and built strong and high enough to withstand the charges of a herd of buffalo.

The drive came to an end with a rush and everyone working desperately closing up the entrance, a few small children appearing on the wall at different points around the pen.

There had been left three or four young men to guard the place and see that none of the animals broke through. The antelope had run themselves down and were huddled in the center of the enclosure, most all laying down. The Indians soon picked out five or six of the largest, which were killed and soon on the way to camp to be made into jerked meat, as it was called….the skins may be washed clean and rung [sic] as dry as possible, then stretched and pulled and rubbed till dry, when they are soft, white and pliable. Then they are ready for trade or use.

The Indians told me that the last drive, before this one at this place, was nearly 12 years ago and the old men never expected to see another at this place, for it would take many years for the animals to increase in sufficient numbers to make it pay to drive. These drives are mostly in the desert valleys, where the poor horseless natives live.

Chronology

Altogether, some 20 radiocarbon dates were obtained from juniper timbers in the four trap features. Consistent with the methods employed by Jensen (2007), structural elements exhibiting evidence of active harvesting (e.g., ripping, tearing) were targeted to minimize the problem of “old wood” during radiocarbon analysis (fig. 83). Samples were spaced along the corral wall to reduce the likelihood of obtaining multiple dates from a single tree. The data are presented using the 2σ calibrated calendar dates derived using the OxCal 4.2 program (Ramsey, 2009, 2014).

Fig. 83. Dixie Trap limb sampled for radiocarbon study (AMS-5).

All of the dates fall within the Terminal Prehistoric Period (600–150 cal b.p.) and produced multiple intercepts due to variations in atmospheric radiocarbon concentrations (fig. 84). Following the lead by Jensen (2007: 97), the intercepts that fall between a.d. 1870 and 1950 can likely be disregarded, as no historic-era artifacts are associated with the traps and the timbers lack evidence of metal tool use.

Fig. 84. Accelerator mass spectrometry dates from Fivemile Draw and Dixie traps using the Oxcal 4.2 program. (C.B. Ramsey, 2013; r5 IntCal13 atmospheric curve [Reimer et al., 2013])

Three of the traps demonstrate two significant areas of overlap. Their combined dates demonstrate an early cluster of seven dates falling between a.d. 1490 and 1660 and a later cluster of 12 dates falling between about a.d. 1680 and the modern period; the intercept from a single date at the East Fivemile Draw Trap encompasses both ranges. The medians for these early dates range from cal a.d. 1534 at the Dixie Trap to cal a.d. 1592 at the North Fivemile Draw Trap, while the medians for the later dates range from cal a.d. 1734 at the East Fivemile Draw Trap to cal a.d. 1843 at the Dixie Trap. The dates derived from South Fivemile Trap all fall within this later era, with medians ranging from cal a.d. 1784 to 1829.

It is clear that all the traps witnessed at least one construction episode during the late prehistoric era, likely just prior to the Contact Period. There is evidence for prior construction episodes at three of the traps (North Fivemile Draw, East Fivemile Draw, and Dixie) with mean dates spanning a brief 60 year period between cal a.d. 1534 and 1592. There is no evidence for earlier construction at the South Fivemile Draw Trap. It is possible that the earlier dates are from dead wood that was scavenged during construction in the later period, but a wider span of dates would be expected if that were the case.

These dates are similar to those derived from the traps reported in Jensen (2007). In that study, both the Clover Valley and Cobre traps produced radiocarbon dates with similar distributions and clustering (Jensen, 2007: 104).

Construction Techniques

The four wooden prehistoric enclosures at 26EK3959 and 26EK12310 display highly similar construction techniques (table 86). All are placed on gentle alluvial slopes west of Fivemile Draw. The backsides of three (Dixie, North Fivemile Draw, and South Fivemile Draw) are incorporated into the juniper tree line and are partially hidden by the trees (figs. 85 through 87). East Fivemile Draw Trap, however, is entirely within open sagebrush and has a gentler slope than the other three (fig. 88). All four traps open at their lowest elevation, and their rears are at the uppermost elevation. All four have wings, with the longest incorporated into North Fivemile Draw Trap (270 meters). Based on ethnographic accounts, these wings likely incorporated sagebrush that has since decayed, which served to funnel herds into the enclosure.

Fig. 85. Dixie pronghorn trap.

Fig. 86. North Fivemile Draw pronghorn trap.

Fig. 87. South Fivemile Draw pronghorn trap.

Fig. 88. East Fivemile Draw pronghorn trap.

Fig. 89. Historic Fivemile Draw horse trap.

The traps are composed of juniper limbs or trunks placed in a nearly continuous alignment and are devoid of rock walls or footings (table 87; fig. 90 and fig. 91). The construction techniques are similar to those described for other wooden facilities in eastern Nevada (Murphy and Frampton, 1986; Polk, 1987; Jensen, 2007). The timbers tend to be laid end to end with little spacing between them, and portions of each of the enclosures are formed from crisscrossed timbers that appear to have fallen from an upright configuration (figs. 92–94). Very few upright elements are present, although living trees appear to have been intentionally incorporated in all but East Fivemile Draw Trap. Evidence of ripping and/or tearing could be confirmed for relatively few timbers, as the wood is weathered to a degree that such evidence is difficult to identify. Many of the timbers have been trampled by cattle.

Fig. 90. Dixie Trap, Section E-F.

Fig. 91. North Fivemile trap, Section B-C.

Fig. 92. North Fivemile trap, Section H-I.

Fig. 93. East Fivemile trap, Section C-D.

Fig. 94. North Fivemile trap, Section F-G.

Historic-era Animal Enclosure

A fifth juniper wood animal enclosure was documented as part of this project. Locus 4 at 26EK3959 is a V-shaped alignment of standing juniper posts and fallen axe-cut limbs, some of which are linked with two-strand, two-pronged barbed wire (figs. 89 and 95). It is located approximately 500 m west of South Fivemile Draw Trap. Two lines of sparsely arranged juniper timbers and fallen posts funnel sharply into a steep drainage emanating from the tableland above (fig. 96). The drainage appears to be a natural travel corridor for animals, as evidenced by a well-defined cow path leading through it. Several trees in the vicinity bear evidence of limb removals by axe or saw.

Fig. 95. Upright cut juniper trunk, historic-era trap.

Fig. 96. View up drainage to apex of historic-era trap.

This trap demonstrates similarities of construction to the three prehistoric enclosures described above, as all are defined by a linear arrangement of juniper limbs and trunks. In contrast to the prehistoric traps, the historic-era trap additionally utilizes large posts that were set upright into the ground, between which barbed wire was strung. The historic-era enclosure is triangular and has a tighter constriction at its apex, which suggests it was not intended for pronghorn, who tend to panic and jump in small enclosures, but rather to capture horses. However, pronghorn use cannot be ruled out, as the use of guns instead of arrows or clubs might have made such a trap adequate for pronghorn use. No other features or artifacts were observed. It is unclear whether the builders of the historic-era trap were of Euro-American or Native American affiliation, although the presence of the three prehistoric antelope traps nearby would strongly suggest a Native cultural affiliation for this historic-era feature.

Archaeological Context

One of the goals of this study was to place these wooden features within a larger settlement and subsistence context. If these hunting facilities represent communal work, the participants likely would have made their base camp nearby, along with possible animal-processing locales. Archaeologically, such an occupation would reflect use by a large group.

Cultural materials across the rest of the site areas are scant, however, and no habitations were identified. The Dixie Trap appears to be associated with just two flaked stone tools, three ground stone implements, and a very small quantity of flakes. A single Desert Side-notched projectile point was recovered, but it was located nearly 125 m from the enclosure and may not have been associated with its use. Although a hearth containing charcoal and fire-affected rock is present at 26EK3959, it is not associated with the site’s trap features, as it lies nearly 700 m from the nearest trap and was radiocarbon dated to the Middle Archaic Period (3800–1300 cal b.p.). It is possible that the now decayed upright juniper branches at 26EK3959 represent habitations, as suggested by Hindley (1985); however, no supporting evidence for occupation or significant use by a large group or groups during the Terminal Prehistoric Period was observed. If the drives were utilized by a large group, those people appear to have made their camp elsewhere, possibly where water was available. Currently, the closest water source is Fivemile Draw Well (26EK12346), which was developed around 1937 to water livestock and has been maintained for that purpose. The well is located approximately 1 km east of 26EK12310 and 2 km north of 26EK3959. No prehistoric materials were observed in its vicinity during survey for this project. The most recent topographic maps for the site areas (Wine Cup Ranch NE, Wine Cup Ranch SE, Ninemile Mountain and Ninemile Mountain SW) indicate no other perennial sources of water in the vicinity.

However, the 1881 General Land Office map for this region depicts two springs located approximately 1 km from 26EK12310. These springs feed into a marked creek that drains into a large oval area labeled “Meadow.” A road and “ditch” trend past a marked house within this meadow area, indicating the water source was sufficient to support a historic-era occupation. None of these elements are depicted on the current USGS topographic map, although the meadow area and house are close to where Fivemile Draw Well is currently situated. The springs feeding into this meadow may have been disrupted by historic-era ranching activities, a scenario that could have occurred at other trap sites in northeastern Nevada as well (see Jensen, 2007: 87, for discussion). This creek might have influenced placement of the traps, as it would have provided a reliable source of water for both animals and humans; it is also a possible residential location for the people who constructed the traps.

Summary

The complex of four wooden animal enclosures described above were likely used to trap pronghorn between a.d. 1600 and 1850. Archival evidence indicates that now absent springs were present to the north, possibly influencing placement of the traps. The features are very similar in form, size, and construction, indicating cultural continuity in the group or groups who used them. The general overall completeness of the features suggests any one of them could have been used successfully, so the reason for three existing in such a relatively small area is unclear. It is possible the three traps were used together to provide a fail-safe method for capture. Alternatively, the very act of constructing new traps may have been important for social reasons. Despite extensive survey and subsurface explorations, no significant number of artifacts or features consistent with associated occupations were identified; it is possible that if a hunt was successful, animal processing was conducted at a base camp located elsewhere, perhaps near the springs to the north. An additional wooden animal trap was documented nearby. Although it was clearly built during the historic era, its nearby location and construction similarities suggest cultural affiliation and continuity with the Numic groups who built the prehistoric traps.

Discussion

The archaeological record of the northern Great Basin during the Terminal Prehistoric Period demonstrates radical changes relative to the previous Late Archaic Period and is thought to signal the arrival of Numic-speaking peoples who migrated from the southwestern Great Basin (see chap. 10). These changes are thought to reflect a fundamental social reorganization in which plant resource use conditioned settlement patterns, while logistical hunting was deemphasized. Because of the emphasis on plants, Terminal Prehistoric sites are dispersed and reflect short-term occupations by small family groups in areas that were previously ignored.

Given that Numic settlements are more dispersed, smaller in size, more briefly occupied, and more oriented toward the acquisition and processing of plants and small seeds, these large, fixed, and labor-intensive hunting features present something of a conundrum. That there are four of these facilities in a relatively small area signals strongly that this Numic population was very much concerned with artiodactyl hunting, which accords with the fact that artiodactyl remains increase across the project area in the Terminal Prehistoric record relative to the preceding Late Archaic Period (see chap. 12).

Ethnographic accounts uniformly stress the participation of large groups of people, much larger than the typical Numic small family band. Due to the increased group size involved with traps, Jensen (2007) asserts that their hunting return rates were lower than with pursuit strategies, which require fewer participants. Instead, she cites the very act of social aggregation as the main benefit to trapping events. Hockett et al. (2013) reached a similar conclusion, asserting that communal gatherings required procurement of food in quantities allowed by seasonally abundant and predictable resources (e.g., pinyon nuts, pronghorn migrations, fish spawning runs). They estimate that the mass capture of between 50 and 200 pronghorn antelope could support a 14 day gathering of between seven and 10 families. Jensen (2007) stresses that the main benefit of such an event would be to provide better mating opportunities for its participants due to the large number of nonrelated people. There are, of course, other potential benefits to such a gathering, where alliances could be made or strengthened, skills learned and honed, and information and goods exchanged.

Based on projectile point associations, other trap features in northeastern Nevada contain evidence for use extending to the onset of the Late Holocene, well before the presumed Numic expansion into the region (e.g., Spruce Ridge, Spruce Pond, Liza Jane North, Valley Mountain, Hill, Spruce Knoll, and Cobre traps; Murphy and Frampton, 1986; Hockett and Murphy, 2009). This strongly suggests that pronghorn drives were the setting for communal hunting events since at least the Early Archaic Period.

The near absence of projectile points at the four prehistoric traps in this study accords with ethnographic accounts that describe the use of other weapons, such as wooden clubs, which are unlikely to leave an archaeological signature. Several other traps that have been radiocarbon dated to the Late Prehistoric Period in northeastern Nevada similarly contain few or no projectile points (e.g., Clover Valley, Currie Hills, Silverzone, and South Dry Lake traps; Jensen, 2007) as do many others that have not been radiocarbon dated (e.g., Wiseman, Spruce Well, Sprucemont, Storey, Mitzpah, and Pygmy Rabbit traps; Hockett and Murphy, 2009: 716; see also Jensen, 2007: 92). These absences may suggest that Western Shoshone hunting-tool investment in this region was not focused on projectile points but on the drives and corrals, which required relatively less skill to construct and whose construction could be carried out by all the group’s members and not just skilled hunters.

CHAPTER 17: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

William Hildebrandt

The Ruby Pipeline corridor travels 360 miles across the Northern Tier of Nevada, crossing through some of the most remote, sparsely populated lands in the lower 48 states. This corridor lies far from subsistence resource concentrations associated with large stands of pinyon-juniper woodland, major waterways like the Humboldt and Snake rivers, and marshlands like those found in Warner Valley and the Humboldt Sink. Despite its remoteness, the corridor was regularly used by people who produced a dynamic archaeological record reflecting several important land-use pattern changes over the last 13,000 years.

Data recovery excavations took place at 578 sites. These efforts ranged from limited surface collections and scrapes to large-scale excavations. Chronological control of the recovered materials was made possible through the analysis of more than 2250 time-sensitive projectile points, 6650 source-specific obsidian hydration readings, 100 radiocarbon dates, and a limited amount of pottery and beads. Based on these findings, we were able to isolate 399 single-component areas within the project corridor.

These single-component areas were distributed across four regions, including the High Rock Country, Upper Lahontan Basin, Upper Humboldt Plains, and Thousand Springs Valley. By calculating the frequency of components per 1000 years of time and 1000 acres of land within each region, and determining the composition and density of artifacts within each component area, we have been able to monitor changes in human population density and land-use intensity along the project corridor, providing a unique glimpse of the prehistoric developments that took place across the Northern Tier.

Our first evidence of human occupation dates to the Paleoindian (14,500–12,800 cal b.p.) and Paleoarchaic (12,800–7800 cal b.p.) periods, when local people spent most of their time in the High Rock Country. Paleoindian findings are limited to a series of Great Basin Concave Base projectile points and small obsidian flaked stone concentrations with hydration readings linking them to this ancient interval of time. Because of the course-grained nature of these temporal indicators, chronological assignment of our Paleoindian components are rough estimates and, therefore, provide little commentary on the exact time these first colonists arrived and whether or not they predate the age of Clovis. It is also important to note that the small assemblages of flaked stone lack any evidence for the specialized blade technologies that are often linked to Clovis-age sites.

Paleoarchaic sites are much more common and tend to be represented by Great Basin Stemmed projectile points, bifaces, and a limited number of other flaked stone tools. Most of these assemblages reflect small groups of hunters refurbishing their toolkits with material obtained from the Massacre Lake/Guano Valley and Nut Mountain obsidian quarries as they traveled through the region. The worn-out tools they left behind testify to the distance of their travels, as many of these implements were made of obsidian from far-distant sources. An important exception to the specialized character of most Paleoarchaic assemblages was found at Fivemile Flat along the west end of pluvial Lake Parman, where two significant habitation sites were discovered, both dating to 11,180 cal b.p. Although lacking milling gear, they included diversified flaked stone tool assemblages that seem to reflect longer-term occupations by relatively complete social groups. This conclusion is supported by the discovery of a house floor, 4 m in diameter, at one of the sites, which is the oldest domicile ever found in the Great Basin. Unfortunately, however, subsistence remains from these sites were limited to a handful of small mammal bone fragments and a few small seeds, restricting our ability to obtain a fuller picture of the activities that took place there. While the 11,180 cal b.p. assays postdate the Younger Dryas and mark the beginning warmer-drier conditions, the presence of a tule seed in the plant macrofossil assemblage suggests that wetland habitats were still present in the local area at this time.

Despite the warm-dry conditions that characterized much of the middle Holocene, it appears that local human populations nearly doubled during the Post-Mazama Period (7800–5700 cal b.p.). Most of their activity was still concentrated in the High Rock Country, but evidence for occupation begins to trickle out into the Upper Lahontan Basin and Upper Humboldt Plains regions as well. Most of the artifact assemblages remained rather narrow, often composed of Northern Side-notched and Humboldt Concave Base points, bifaces, and debitage, and seem to reflect use of the region by mobile groups of hunters. Similar to the Paleoarchaic Period, travel distances seem to have been relatively high, judging by the presence of nonlocal obsidian types within many of the assemblages.

Major changes take place with the onset of the Early Archaic (5700–3800 cal b.p.) and continue forward into the Middle Archaic (3800–1300 cal b.p.). Early Archaic projectile points are largely represented by Humboldt and Gatecliff forms, and component counts indicate that population densities increased almost fourfold from the preceding interval. Radiocarbon dates pick up in frequency just after 4600 cal b.p., indicating that much of the population increases took place after this date and may have been triggered in part by the onset of cooler and wetter conditions at this time. Although the High Rock Country remained the focus of habitation, all four regions experienced significant human occupation for the first time.

Simultaneous to this population increase and dispersal, a full complement of site types began to emerge, with large-scale residential areas becoming significant for the first time. This trend continued forward into the Middle Archaic Period, where the relative frequency of residential sites almost doubled compared to the Early Archaic interval. Moreover, the density of milling gear within these areas increased almost fourfold during the Middle Archaic, compounding the significance of this land-use pattern change. The more intensive, localized occupation of the corridor and adjacent areas is also evidenced by a reduction in the use of distant obsidian sources, as it appears that people became more familiar with the local area, focusing on known, high-quality sources of stone.

Consistent with the higher degree of settlement stability and differentiation, plant macrofossil assemblages became more abundant and much more diversified during the Middle Archaic, probably marking a broadening of the diet. Use of geophytes also seems to have increased, and may signal the beginnings of intensive epos (yampah) storage in the High Rock Country and adjacent regions. Finally, the Early and Middle Archaic records show an increased use of large game, probably assisted by the rise of logistical hunting organization supported by higher degrees of residential stability.

This general trajectory continued into the Late Archaic Period (1300–600 cal b.p.), but with some important exceptions. Increases in population density continued forward, as did the dispersal of people into a wider range of habitats (especially the Upper Humboldt Plains). These changes were accompanied by continued increases in the relative frequency of residential sites, but most of the latter activity occurred within the easternmost regions. In fact, while the High Rock Country still maintained the highest concentration of people, its population density surprisingly dropped compared to the Middle Archaic, particularly with regard to the abundance of residential sites, which dropped to levels below any of the other regions along the corridor.

Despite the expansion of Late Archaic residential sites in the eastern regions, the abundance of milling gear at these locations is much lower than at Middle Archaic Period sites. This change is accompanied by a slight drop in the diversity of plant macrofossils and minor increases in the use of large game. These findings may show that residential activity was widely dispersed, with people occupying smaller sites for shorter periods of time and using a narrower suite of local resources.

Population dispersion and the focus on local resource use is also documented by flaked stone material profiles at Late Archaic sites that show that locally available cryptocrystalline silicate (CCS) was used more than obsidian for the first time in prehistory. This change in raw material use is accompanied by change in lithic technology, where biface thinning is often replaced by simply converting flake blanks into finished tools through pressure flaking. Finally, while we observed a gap in the radiocarbon record corresponding to the Medieval Climatic Anomaly (MCA), it is difficult to know its full effects on population densities during critical portions of the Late Archaic interval, as many of our single-component areas were identified on the basis of Rosegate projectile points and source-specific obsidian hydration readings that lack the chronological resolution necessary for this level of analysis.

Many of the changes initiated in the Late Archaic Period reach radical proportions during the Terminal Prehistoric Period, and could correspond to the arrival of Numic-speaking populations along the corridor. Habitat preferences that made sense for more than 12,000 years are upended, with population densities highest in the Upper Humboldt Plains and Thousand Springs Valley, followed by much lower densities in the High Rock Country. Much of this reorientation could be linked to small-seeded plants that are especially abundant in Thousand Spring Valley. Although low ranked compared to many other foods, with the proper technology and work organization, they could support higher population densities than was the case earlier in time. Numic peoples practiced an adaptation that worked well in these environments, as they tended to live in smaller, dispersed family groups more reliant on small-seeded resources, with the latter made possible by the development important tools like the seed beater and triangular winnowing tray.

Most archaeologists have tended to combine Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone groups when thinking about the expansion of Numic populations, but there are actually major differences between the two. First, previous research has shown that the Western Shoshone used pottery and the Northern Paiute did not, and our data are fully consistent with this finding. In our quest to explain this strange disjunction in technology, we found that brownware pottery in the southwestern Great Basin is tightly linked to the intensification of seed use, especially with regard to their synchronous origins, co-occurrence of pots and seed-bearing habitats on the land, and food residues found within the pots themselves. Because the Northern Paiute lived in habitats that contained a greater abundance of fish, waterfowl, and geophyte resources than did the Western Shoshone, who relied more on plant resources (including small seeds), it must have made more sense for the Western Shoshone to invest in pottery than it did for the Northern Paiute.

This distinction is also fundamental in tracking differences in the expansion of peoples speaking the two languages. Given the lower subsistence productivity of the central Great Basin compared to the better watered areas in the west, and the major differences in population density that resulted (which is clearly demonstrated by the current project corridor), it stands to reason that there would have been far fewer obstacles for the Western Shoshone to overcome during their northward expansion than was the case among the Northern Paiute. This seems to have been the case, as the ratio of Desert Series to Rosegate projectile points, which is a useful way to monitor the northward movement of Numic-speaking peoples, is 2.7 times higher in Western Shoshone territory than in Northern Paiute lands along the project corridor, indicating that the Shoshone arrived at a much earlier date. This temporal difference, along with the reranking of small-seeded resources brought to the area by the Western Shoshone, no doubt contributed to the more robust Terminal Prehistoric record along the eastern half of the corridor, as key markers like Desert Series projectile points were deposited on the landscape for a longer period of time.

The focus on low-ranked small-seeded resources and their influence on the expansion of Numic populations has also been linked to a greater focus on the use of small game. In the southwestern Great Basin, for example, logistical hunting of large game in distant localities was commonplace during the Middle Archaic and part of the Late Archaic Period, but was supplanted by a small-game focus in the Terminal Prehistoric Period, presumably related to people living in smaller family groups that focused on more localized resources. While the current study shows a significant decrease in the frequency of flaked stone production activities, which could be linked to a reduction in hunting, faunal assemblages from the study corridor and adjacent areas tell a different story. These data show that the frequency of large game use continued unabated into the Terminal Prehistoric Period. This should probably not be so surprising, however, given the high frequency of large-scale animal drive features that are commonly found across Nevada, including the Terminal Prehistoric features investigated as part of this study. The fact that these features were framed with juniper tree trunks and large branches, and that they regularly measure more than 500 m across, reflects the gathering of major groups of people with the willingness to make significant investments in the pursuit of large game.

One of our most surprising findings is the explosion of distant, exotic obsidian sources found in a series of sites dating to the Terminal Prehistoric Period. Many previous studies have shown that obsidian conveyance distances reached their maximum extent during the Paleoindian and Paleoarchaic periods and declined thereafter, largely due to increased population densities that acted to reduce foraging territories and/or the size of social interaction spheres. This was largely the case here until the Terminal Prehistoric Period, when conveyance distances were much higher than at any other time in prehistory. Moreover, this exotic stone is not restricted to worn-out tools, which is usually the case during earlier intervals, but is found in both the tools and debitage, indicating that larger masses of stone were being moved distances like never before. In fact, debitage conveyance distances are 12 times greater than those found in the Paleoarchaic components and include sources like Mount Hicks, located 340 km to the south.

We think that there is a good possibility that these findings mark the introduction of the horse to the northern Great Basin. Although we lack the chronological resolution to fully confirm this hypothesis, archival research shows that the Northern Shoshone had horses by a.d. 1690 (260 cal b.p.) and traveled widely to the north and east. There are no archival records of any kind for the central Great Basin until about 135 years later. Significantly, however, the first one came from Jedediah Smith, who observed a band of northern horsemen at the south end of Walker Lake, only 20 miles from the Mount Hicks obsidian source. This account confirms that people traveled on horses to the locations documented by our findings, and we think there good reason to think that such behavior occurred deeper in the past as well. This was a dynamic time marked by significant alterations to the traditional settlement systems that came before, and our findings show how it is important to investigate the archaeological record with these developments in mind. They also emphasize how small parts of the archaeological record sometimes have the ability to tell us big stories about the past.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We express our sincere gratitude to Kinder-Morgan for financing the Ruby Pipeline archaeological program, with special thanks going to Floyd Robertson, Nicole Pedigo, and Lynn Christiansen. These individuals collaborated closely with us on project design and scheduling, but also gave us the resources and freedom necessary to complete the work in a creative and efficient manner. We also received outstanding support from our primary agency contacts, which included Laurie Boros, Ellen Armbruster, and Paul Friedman (Federal Energy Regulatory Commission); Thomas Burke, Bryan Hockett, Mark Hall, William Fawcett, Jill Jensen, Sam Potter, Penni Borghi, Jack Scott, Julie Rodman, and Jennifer Rovanpera (Bureau of Land Management); Nick Valentine and Anan Raymond (U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service); and Rebecca Palmer and Julie Ernstein (Nevada State Office of Historic Preservation). We thank them all.

Almost 200 archaeologists and Native American consultants helped us complete the fieldwork phase of the project, enduring the heat of summer, subfreezing temperatures in winter, and everything in between. The majority of these people worked for Far Western, but many came to us through subcontract arrangements with California State University, Sacramento; SWCA Environmental Consultants; and Alpine Archaeological Consultants. Although we are indebted to all of these people, we would like the single out a few for leading our field program, and doing so within the scheduling constraints of the project. Our primary Field Directors were John Berg, William Bloomer, Michael Darcangelo, and Albert Garner. Their direct assistants included Adelina Asan, Aaron Buehring, Ryan Byerly, Wade Carter, Kaely Colligan, Jill Eubanks, David Glover, Courtney Higgins, Terry Jones, Angela Kingsley, Cris Lowgren, Dustin McKenzie, Jennifer Mueller, Steven Neidig, William Norton, Patrick Riordan, Eric Petersen, Jeff Rosenthal, Amy Spurling, Devon Snyder, Victor Villagran, and Eric Wohlgemuth.

Our collaboration with the Native American community is best exemplified by the production of the award-winning film Breaking New Ground: A Story of Native American Archaeologists Working in their Ancestral Lands. We thank Two Bears Davis, Eric DeSoto, Fawn Hunter, Gerald Hunter, Shelly James, Allen Johnson, Marcos Johnson, Cecilia Phoenix, Denise Pollard, Diane Teeman, and Edith Tybo for participating in the project and film, with the latter permanently documenting both the intellectual and spiritual value of the archaeological record. We also thank Michon Eben for her overall interest in our findings and multiple visits to the lab during the analytical phases of the project.

The massive administrative effort required during the field phase, including both personnel management and quality control of the data, was enhanced by the contributions of Tammy Anderson, Sharon Anstead, Heather Baron, Laura Brink, Anna Camp, Jennifer Collier, Maria Gumpal, Rebecca Kellawan, Tammara Norton, and Melinda Pacheco. Analysis of the vast collections was led by Elizabeth Honeysett with the able assistance of Adelina Asan, Laura Brink, Kaely Colligan, Jill Eubanks, Molly Fogarty, Patty Galindo, Rebecca Kellawan, Angela Kingsley, and Nick Longo. Much of their work was enriched by research specialists, many of whom are coauthors of chapters in the volume. Although most are noted within their respective chapters, we give additional acknowledgement to Pat Barker, William Bloomer, Laura Brink, Kimberley Carpenter, Timothy Carpenter, Kaely Colligan, Albert Garner, Richard Hughes, Thomas Origer, Wendy Pierce, David Rhode, Nathan Stevens, Sharlyn Street, and Andrew Ugan for the successful completion of this research. We also give thanks to Jill Bradeen for producing the project maps, and Sharon Waechter and Kathy Davis for their high-quality editorial assistance throughout. Nicole Birney and her staff of Nora Cary, Kathleen Montgomery, and Michael Pardee deserve special acknowledgement for producing the manuscript.

Review comments by Bryan Hockett and Geoffrey Smith were challenging for us but improved the quality of the volume in a substantial way. This is also the case for the contributions from Diana Rosenthal, David Hurst Thomas, Robert Voss, and Peter Whiteley of the American Museum of Natural History, which brought the entire enterprise to fruition. Finally, we give our sincere thanks to Dave Thomas for his unending support over the decades, and giving us the opportunity to publish our work in the
Anthropological Papers.

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