ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY

Number 98: 496 pp. June 14, 2013

Copyright © American Museum of Natural History 2013

ISSN 0065-9452

http://dx.doi.org/10.5531/sp.anth.0098

[PART 5 OF EPUB]

LIFE AMONG THE TIDES: RECENT ARCHAEOLOGY ON THE GEORGIA BIGHT

VICTOR D. THOMPSON

AND

DAVID HURST THOMAS

EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS

WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY

Clark R. Alexander, Keith H. Ashley, Elliot H. Blair,

Ann S. Cordell, Kathleen A. Deagan, Chester B. DePratter, Scott M. Fitzpatrick, Ervan G. Garrison, Royce H. Hayes, Richard W. Jefferies, Deborah A. Keene, Ginessa J. Mahar, Rochelle A. Marrinan, Christopher R. Moore, Matthew F. Napolitano, Alexandra L. Parsons, Vicki L. Rolland, Matthew C. Sanger, Ryan O. Sipe, Amanda D. Roberts Thompson, Robert L. Thunen, John A. Turck, Neill J. Wallis, and Thomas G. Whitley

Proceedings of the Sixth Caldwell Conference

St. Catherines Island, Georgia

May 20–22, 2011

PART V: DISCUSSION

CHAPTER 17: ISLAND AND COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY ON THE GEORGIA BIGHT

Scott M. Fitzpatrick[1]

INTRODUCTION

I was deeply honored to be invited by David Hurst Thomas and Victor Thompson to this year’s Caldwell Conference to serve as one of the discussants for “Life Among the Tides: Recent Archaeology on the Georgia Bight.” While my initial selection may have appeared unusual to some participants given that my research focuses almost exclusively on islands in the Pacific and Caribbean, there is (I think) a method to their madness. I believe this because their underlying philosophy essentially mirrors my own. Early on as a doctoral student at the University of Oregon, I decided to organize a special session at the 2002 Society for American Archaeology conference in Denver, Colorado entitled, “The Archaeology of Insularity: Examining the Past in Island Environments.” Though I had never done this before, I felt that as I became more interested in issues related to the archaeology of islands, it was an opportune time to bring together a methodologically, theoretically, and geographically diverse group of scholars working on islands in different regions of the world to discuss various issues. The papers and discussions were stimulating, informative, and eventually led to the publication of an edited volume (Fitzpatrick, 2004b).

Encouraged by what transpired in Denver, I later founded (and now coedit with Jon Erlandson and Torben Rick) the Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology (Taylor and Francis/Routledge), realizing shortly thereafter that given the increasing interest in the field, there was also a need to have a venue for publishing research that archaeologists were doing in island and coastal environments. And continuing the same approach with the journal as I did with the SAA session, we make a concerted effort to select reviewers for submissions who are outside the author’s immediate scope of interests. Not only do I believe this provides important and alternative views that help authors think about their research in new ways, but that it facilitates discussion among those working in various regions. Although I will let others reserve judgment on my performance in this capacity as discussant at Caldwell, I can honestly say that it was a pleasure to have met and interacted with so many established and rising scholars in southeastern U.S. archaeology during the conference and I learned a great deal during my time there. To have the opportunity to see firsthand what has transpired archaeologically on St. Catherines Island over the last three decades is something that is difficult to put into words. Perhaps that is why the collections of research thus far are so voluminous. To put it mildly, it is one of the most extraordinary archaeological research projects I have yet witnessed.

This year’s gathering for Caldwell was equally impressive, with a group of scholars and papers that presented a wide array of research, ranging from various analyses crucial to archaeological interpretation (e.g., radiocarbon dating, chemical composition of artifacts, zooarchaeology, GIS) to broader questions of landscape use and coastal transformation across both the prehistoric and mission periods. The inclusion of geoscientists, graduate students, and those working in CRM firms was a welcome addition to archaeologists based at universities and museums. Overall, I commend Dave and Victor for continuing to recognize the usefulness of such an approach and bringing everyone together as they did. The result was an extremely diverse, interesting, and informative session in a relaxed atmosphere—something rarely found in academic settings and in which I was pleased to participate.

ISSUES IN ISLAND AND COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY

Before I begin my review of the papers presented at the sixth Caldwell conference, I would like to highlight a few of my general comments to help provide some context. As someone who specializes in the archaeology of islands and coasts—albeit ones that are usually on a different scale in terms of distance and remoteness from other land masses than the islands along the Georgia Bight—I am always interested in learning the past history of a particular island or group of islands and seeing whether there might be something about them that follows a pattern comparable to other parts of the world or that makes them unique in their own right.

As a preface, it is worth mentioning that there has been some debate in the literature over the years about whether islands can or should be considered different than other types of geographical formations and whether archaeology on, and comparisons made between, islands is different than “island archaeology” (e.g., Rainbird, 1999, 2007; Boomert and Bright, 2007; Fitzpatrick, 2007; Fitzpatrick et al., 2007). I, and many of my colleagues, have argued that they are. To us,

island archaeology is both the application of archaeology to islands and the study of the culturally distinctive developments and ecological changes that characterize the history of human settlement of islands around the world. The fact that there are similarities between many coastal and island societies does not negate the validity of the comparative study of island societies (Fitzpatrick et al., 2007: 230).

While I will not spend a great deal of time here detailing the reasons why I believe islands themselves are different than other types of landforms—and as such can be approached differently from an archaeological standpoint (see chapters in Fitzpatrick, 2004b; Fitzpatrick, 2007)—I will point out an obvious fact: humans are just not good swimmers, though they are good at inventing things. In the case of islands, this invention was watercraft and the means to navigate across diverse aquatic realms. Through time, and over the course of hundreds of thousands or even millions of years, many different plants and animals were able to colonize even the most remote islands through a variety of natural mechanisms. But because this was not always a frequent occurrence, island biotas developed in near, or sometimes complete, isolation. As humans developed more sophisticated seafaring technologies and strategies (but very late in time on a geological or even human scale), they were then able to overcome this aquatic barrier (see Erlandson, 2001; Fitzpatrick and Anderson, 2008). Even so, seafaring was highly variable and not always accessible to each and every member of society. This was certainly the case for many Pacific islands where building watercraft and navigating using the stars were highly specialized knowledge not shared with everyone (e.g., Lewis, 1972; Finney, 1988, 1994; Irwin, 1992).

So that leaves us with a view of prehistory in island and coastal regions whereby the ability to build some type of watercraft, whether it be a raft, dugout canoe, or outrigger, opened up tremendous new opportunities for humans who were then able to conquer seas, oceans, and other bodies of water. But upon reaching islands, humans also enacted a heavy toll on these “pristine” island ecologies, wreaking havoc as a result of widespread land clearance, the introduction of nonnative flora and fauna, overexploitation of resources, population expansion, and so on (e.g., Kirch, 1986, 1997a, 1997b, 2007; Kirch and Hunt, 1999; Fitzpatrick and Keegan, 2007; Rick and Erlandson, 2008). While we should not assume a priori that humans were the sole cause of each and every ecological problem observed in the archaeological record, there is a strong correlation that is often hard to ignore.

From a broader perspective, Erlandson and Fitzpatrick (2006) proposed eight major issues in island and coastal archaeology that have brought these environments from marginalization to the forefront of discussion in many different areas of study, ranging from anthropology to biology, history, and historical ecology and that we thought deserved further attention. These included: (1) the antiquity of coastal adaptations and maritime migrations; (2) spatial and temporal variations in marine or coastal productivity; (3) the development of specialized maritime technologies and capabilities; (4) the archaeology of submerged coastlines and terrestrial landscapes; (5) cultural responses to insularity, isolation, and circumscription; (6) cultural contacts and historical processes in island and coastal settings; (7) human impacts and historical ecology in island and coastal ecosystems; and (8) the conservation and management of island and coastal archaeological sites. Before coming to Caldwell, I was interested in knowing how research along the coast of Georgia had addressed these particular issues and whether islands along the Georgia coast, ranging from the larger barrier islands such as St. Catherines and Sapelo, to the smaller marsh islands, can be conceived of in an “island archaeology” context. While the first question was in part the focus of a recent paper by Thompson and Turck (2010), what I propose to do here is provide a review and some comments on the papers as they were presented at the Sixth Caldwell Conference, and then come back to the issue of how St. Catherines, as well as the other islands fringing the coast of Georgia, can be integrated within a broader scope of island and coastal archaeological research.

COMMENTS

As mentioned previously, the papers presented at this year’s Caldwell conference, and which are now included in this volume, comprised a slew of different topics in archaeology along the Georgia Bight. These were organized into four main themes: (1) analytical approaches to time, exchange, and site layout; (2) modeling coastal landscapes; (3) architecture and village layout before contact; and (4) mission period archaeology. As Thomas and Thompson note in their introduction, the current volume developed somewhat differently than previous Caldwell series that were focused on either specific methodological issues or ones rooted within a specific temporal framework. In contrast to the other conferences, the sixth Caldwell conference had a geographical focus that not only served to highlight the importance of the Georgia Bight to a general understanding of the development of maritime adaptations, but the need to look beyond the coast toward the hinterlands where exchange systems and social interactions became critical to the development of societies in both areas. I will first discuss each of the chapters within this volume separately and then tie together some of the common themes at the end.

Analytical Approaches to Time, Exchange, and Site Layout

The first chapter by David Hurst Thomas, Matthew C. Sanger, and Royce H. Hayes on marine reservoir corrections (ΔR) around St. Catherines Island emphasized the necessity of conducting rigorous dating of marine shell in archaeological deposits to ensure that radiocarbon offsets are as accurate as possible. In my opinion, this is exactly how radiocarbon chronology issues should be approached—through continued testing and retesting of various samples whether they are terrestrial or marine (or both, in the case of human or mammal bone, for example). Thomas’s remark that “you can never have enough dates” is good advice, and something that many archaeologists working in island and coastal environments should seriously consider, given what we know of marine reservoir effects elsewhere. Those working in the Pacific Basin are well aware of such issues and the importance of dating various sample types to weed out issues such as the “old wood” or “old shell” problem (Rick et al., 2005b). It is also important to examine differences in the ΔR, however subtle, of certain marine molluscs (as this can vary depending on feeding behaviors, geological substrates, etc.), which is something not widely practiced in the Caribbean. I was amazed to see that dozens of marine reservoir corrections exist for St. Catherines and surrounding areas, which contrast with only a handful we have for all of the Caribbean islands, none of which are in close proximity to most of the Antilles and thus are not particularly useful. Given the rigid classifications of pottery types in the Caribbean, which have not all been adequately anchored chronologically (see Fitzpatrick, 2006; Cooper and Thomas, 2012), and molluscs that are a dominant component of many pre-Columbian sites, the need for conducting marine reservoir testing is quite clear. In general, however, this is something we require in island and coastal regions around the world so that we can better understand how samples in the archaeological record are affected by varying and temporally fluctuating oceanographic and atmospheric processes. St. Catherines can serve as a model for how such an approach is accomplished.

In terms of establishing good chronologies, something that has proven useful in many parts of the world, and applied previously in the Pacific and Caribbean, is the use of something called “chronometric hygiene.” This method, developed by Matthew Spriggs (1989, 1996) and initially applied to the Island Southeast Asian Neolithic, was an attempt to “weed out” anomalous or culturally ambiguous radiocarbon dates based on a strict set of criteria. For example, the material being sampled could not be from a long-lived species, multiple dates were needed from the same context (e.g., layer or feature), multiple dates were needed from stratified sites, and the association with cultural remains must be well established. Spriggs’s (1989) initial evaluation led him to develop new ideas on Austronesian expansion based on the critical assessment of the available radiocarbon data. Others have followed the chronometric hygiene approach in the Pacific (e.g., Liston, 2005; Rieth and Hunt, 2008) and the Caribbean (Fitzpatrick, 2006), which has helped tremendously in defining both local and regional chronologies. Given some vagaries in southeastern U.S. archaeology and a tradition of extensive radiocarbon dating, a similar exercise might ultimately prove useful in establishing a refined and more accurate chronological framework.

The next chapter by Alexandra L. Parsons and Rochelle A. Marrinan reports on southeast coastal faunal assemblages from the Late Archaic and Early Mississippian periods that had been collected since the 1970s. In an effort to synthesize and standardize the data, they: (1) excluded some sites, accepting only those that were definitely representative of indigenous occupation from coastal Georgia and northeast Florida and that had access to a similar suite of estuarine resources; (2) included samples for which data on the number of identified specimens (NISP), weight, estimated biomass, and minimum number of individuals (MNI) calculations were available; and (3) used only those that had a representative chronological spread. The authors also addressed some important methodological concerns; paramount among these was the fact that differential recovery methods (primarily mesh size) can dramatically affect quantification measures, which prevented them from using some of the dataset. Regardless, the remaining faunal data were used to address a host of issues regarding sedentism and seasonality and demonstrated that, even in the Late Archaic, groups were well established in coastal villages year round, but that seasonal exploitation of resources also occurred. The authors also mentioned issues of possible human impacts in the coastal zone (e.g., land clearance), including fisheries (e.g., Reitz, 2004) and noted that many areas were cleared extensively during the plantation era and are now reforested. Given the available archaeological and historical data now available, a valuable next step might be to determine how faunal diversity changed through time across the overall assemblages as well as discrete taxa of finfish, shellfish, and other marine or estuarine resources to see if there are any statistically significant changes that could be attributed to humans—something that often occurs in island settings.

Continuing with methodological aspects of archaeology, Ginessa J. Mahar’s chapter discussed the use of geophysical techniques on shell rings found on St. Catherines. Scholars are still deciphering what these rings—which are a unique feature along parts of the southeast littoral from Florida up to South Carolina—were really used for. Regardless of the reasons behind why the rings were truly constructed, Mahar does a nice job of emphasizing that geophysical techniques such as resistance survey and magnetometry, which have been used on St. Catherines since the 1980s, can be an excellent primary source of data that is then integrated with other datasets. Too often archaeogeophysical techniques are used after more intensive survey or excavation when ideally they should be part of the technological component of field projects (Thompson et al., 2011). Interestingly, the still as yet unexplained circular features found within shell rings that look like postholes that should be observed archaeogeophysically do not readily show up. This again demonstrates the importance of comparing multiple sources of information, such as mapping and excavation, to decipher the archaeological record. Mahar makes a good point too that geophysical data have a tendency to be written up separately in reports, which can hamper our ability to satisfactorily interpret the archaeological record.

Neill J. Wallis’s and Ann S. Cordell’s chapter on using petrographic and chemical compositional analysis of Swift Creek pottery found across Georgia, northern Florida, and eastern Alabama represents a welcome effort to use very different, but complementary analytical techniques to, in the authors’ own words, “establish patterns in the manufacture and distribution of vessels and infer corresponding modes of social interaction.” Particularly intriguing to me were the stamped decorations seen on prehistoric vessels that can be linked up with specific wooden paddles. Called “paddle matching,” this phenomenon is indicative of either vessels, or the paddles themselves, being transported between sites, which may be hundreds of kilometers apart. This is somewhat reminiscent of Lapita pottery in Melanesia and Polynesia, which was decorated using dentate (toothed) stamps impressed into the clay. Unlike the wooden paddles found in the southeastern United States, we unfortunately have no evidence of what these stamps may have been made from, though it was most certainly from a perishable material, such as wood, that rarely survives in tropical climates like those found in the South Pacific. Nonetheless, given the potential for tracking both the vessel and decorative medium (paddle), there seems to be a good opportunity to also investigate the underlying meaning behind the designs. Recent research by Terrell and Schechter (2007) on the “Lapita Face” motif seen on prehistoric pottery and modern wooden bowls from along the Sepik coast of New Guinea provides a particularly enriching explanation that demonstrates linkages to sea turtles, which is embedded in the lore and cosmology of Pacific Islanders who were intrinsically linked to the coast. I am curious to know whether the decorations seen in Swift Creek pottery can reveal more abstract meanings that could be inextricably linked to the exchange behaviors observed through compositional and mineralogical analysis.

Overall, I was pleasantly surprised that Wallis and Cordell were able to so effectively couple petrography and neutron activation analysis (INAA). This can be a difficult endeavor with results having an ambiguity that is not always easily resolvable. As the authors continue to research the subject of pottery distribution in the Southeast as elucidated through different compositional and/or mineralogical techniques, I encourage them to think about additional questions. How does pottery, perhaps as an exchange item, correlate with other possible types of exchange behaviors such as food, feasting, and a host of other artifact types? What is the significance of the designs (could they represent ethnic origins or kin/clan groupings)? And as they test clay samples to help formulate patterns of resource acquisition and distribution, the possibility that multiple clay sources are being admixed in single vessels should also be considered as this could cause results to be equivocal. Archaeologists sometimes have the tendency to treat clay used in producing ceramic vessels similar to the way they treat lithics—as a single source that has a unique geochemical fingerprint—when this may not necessarily be the case for pottery.

Ann S. Cordell and Kathleen A. Deagan also applied mineralogical analysis to prehistoric pottery but at a mission period site called Fountain of Youth Park (8SJ31) in St. Augustine, Florida. The site is significant for a number of reasons. It had been occupied for more than 2000 years by the Timucua Indians and their predecessors, it was the first permanent European town in the United States, and it houses the remains of Nombre de Dios, the first Franciscan mission to the American Indians (established in 1587), and which persisted until about 1650. In terms of pottery use, the authors noted that before contact, native groups almost exclusively produced St. Johns chalky ware ceramics, but this quickly changed in the second half of the 16th century when nonlocal pottery manufactured by the Mocama and Guale groups significantly increased in quantity. As they note, “this situation raises interesting questions about the resilience of traditional pottery production practices in the face of social and demographic disruption.”

For analysis, the authors selected 89 sherds from different types, including Timucuan St. Johns chalky, Mocama Timucua San Pedro grog-tempered, Guale-associated San Marcos/Altamaha/Irene tradition sand/grit-tempered tradition, and 17 that were unassigned. This was accompanied by nine clay samples. In total, four clay resource groupings were identified and, though the results were somewhat unclear, Cordell and Deagan were successful in demonstrating that either Mocama and Guale people (or their pottery, or both) were present at the site, indicating more complex multi- and cross-cultural interactions than were thought previously. While there is an abundance of ceramic compositional studies around the world that attempt to investigate interaction spheres using a few samples from multiple sites, it was nice to see a more in-depth study from a single site such as the Fountain of Youth. Increasing the number of samples from here will surely improve what we know from this turbulent period.

Modeling Coastal Landscapes

One cannot discuss island and coastal systems without addressing geomorphological changes that took place before and during human settlement. The paper presented by John A. Turck and Clark R. Alexander on the human use of past coastal landscapes in Georgia clearly illustrates the utility (and, one might easily argue, necessity) of incorporating geological and geomorphological research into studies of past human behavior. Sediment cores of several hammock islands retrieved through vibracoring, which were then radiocarbon dated, demonstrate how, as shoreline positions changed through naturally occurring processes, human occupation and use followed shortly thereafter. Also important, as the authors note, is that “the timing of landform creation cannot be estimated based solely on the position of that landform on the landscape” and “that differing stratigraphic architectures in nearby settings allowed for a range of environments from which humans could choose when settling the coast.” Simply put, both geoscience and archaeology are complementary techniques that for researchers working in littoral zones are critical for identifying estimates of shoreline changes, when they occurred, and how human groups utilized these dynamic landscapes over time.

In terms of human utilization of islands around the Georgia Bight, I am particularly fascinated with the smaller back-barrier “marsh” islands, which are so common in the area. While smaller islands may at first seem peripheral to understanding the nature of coastal adaptations by prehistoric peoples given their relatively minute size and perceived lack of resources, this view is gradually changing as more research is conducted in places like the Caribbean (Keegan et al., 2008), Pacific (Burley, Steadman, and Anderson, 2003; Weisler, 2003; Jones et al., 2008), and islands along both the west (e.g., Rick et al., 2005b) and east coasts of North America (Thompson and Turck, 2010).

Like Turck and Alexander, Chester B. DePratter and Victor D. Thompson also examined paleoshoreline data along the Georgia coast, but focused on two major phenomena and their implications for coastal settlements. The first was the recognition that sea level fluctuation has altered coastal landforms in Georgia during the last 5000 years (a time when intensive human occupation can first be seen archaeologically). The second was that progradation and retrogradation occurs at different points of time along the coast, which would have impacted human settlement and resource use. For their research, they parceled out the Georgia coast into three sections: (1) Ossabaw, Wassaw, and Tybee islands; (2) St. Catherines and Sapelo islands; and (3) the St. Simons Island and Little St. Simons Island section. DePratter and Thompson reiterate that most of the archaeological research done along the Georgia coast has focused on the larger islands, but note that after examining paleoshoreline changes over the last five millennia, the small marsh islands (though seemingly harsh), were used by native groups extensively and intensively.

In support of this finding was Matthew F. Napolitano’s work on Bull Island Hammock near St. Catherines, which helps build on Thompson and Turck’s (2010) investigations along these back-barrier islands that suggest this system was being used increasingly over time, peaking for the most part during the Late Mississippian Period. Systematic shovel testing across Bull Island by Napolitano, the most easily accessible hammock near St. Catherines and that had surface scatters of pottery and faunal refuse, found a pattern of intermittent use for subsistence, but probably not permanent settlement. The overall assessment was that “small islands often played a role in the economies of groups that inhabited larger islands and coastal zones.” Based on continuing research worldwide, my guess is that we will be slightly altering this phrase to suggest that smaller islands such as hammocks played “key” roles in the subsistence strategies of local groups, a phenomenon that makes sense when you consider the plentiful and diverse types of resources available. Napolitano’s work in addition to the larger study by Thompson and Turck (2010) is clearly opening the door to new ideas about how estuaries and smaller (e.g., marsh) islands were occupied and utilized prehistorically.

Matthew C. Sanger then reported on an ambitious survey of 9000 acres between Midway Island and Colonel’s Island in Liberty County, Georgia. The survey included upland pine forests, coastal marshland, as well as marsh islands. Given that some archaeological work had been done in the area, but with little reporting of the results, Sanger’s work represents an important step in the investigation of an area that has implications for understanding inland to coastal resource use and interaction. For the survey, the research relied heavily on Airborne LiDAR systems, which take advantage of a laser scanner placed on a low-flying helicopter or airplane that sends pulses of energy to the ground to create accurate topographical models. The mapping data was then coupled with data retrieved from shovel test pits to examine site distribution and occupation intensity. Although the data recovered are only based on a single field season, preliminary findings suggest that there was a major increase in the use of a previously vacant area during the Late Mississippian, as evidenced by greater quantities of shellfish and pottery. This could be for a number of reasons, including population expansion, which would seem to mirror other findings along the Georgia coast.

One of the more methodologically sophisticated papers presented at the conference was by Thomas G. Whitley who has spent years developing a GIS model of resource availability. The research area comprised the six counties situated along the Georgia coast, as well as adjacent ones inland across 1.9 million ha of land. By integrating a vast number of variables into “group foraging targets,” Whitley created a database with the goal of “understanding the relative energy costs of subsistence activities” through time in terms of caloric expenditure and intake that was then framed within a central place foraging model. The overall goal is to “develop explicit formulas based on as many variables as possible, and with as high a resolution as possible.” While I jokingly commented at Caldwell that Whitley’s research was “OFT par excellence” and that he would easily win a contest for having the most Ph.D. dissertation topics in a single paper, it is clear that his approach is extremely well refined and robust. One of the more interesting findings from this research was that the exploitation of available resources and the amount of calories available per person remained virtually the same from the Late Archaic through the protohistoric/historic periods, given the same level of effort. While it is possible that people may have focused more on aquatic resources later in time, people from all periods in general focused their efforts on the forage categories that provided them with the most efficient return.

Late Prehistoric Site Layout and Architecture

Ryan O. Sipe’s work described a large contract project focused on recording sites in a 2300 acre area west of Ossabaw Island in eastern Bryan County, Georgia. The survey located 80 new sites and relocated several others, including the important Irene Period Redbird Creek site that “functioned as the mortuary complex and likely political center of a larger habitation complex of Late Mississippian/Protohistoric site.” Sipe also makes reference to the “dispersed town” model first proposed by Jones (1978) and expounded on by Thomas (2008), which attempts to resolve inconsistencies between the ethnohistorical accounts of Guale settlement patterns and those of archaeological research. The model suggests that in contrast to what was reported historically, these groups did not necessarily need to shift residences and become disconnected from their larger community base to effectively exploit seasonal resources.

In addition, I was astounded, as were most of my colleagues in the room, at the exceptional preservation of subsurface features, such as postholes, that were found. I also thought it was an excellent example of how contract archaeology can provide important new data that many scholars housed at universities or museums would find challenging to generate given issues related to scheduling, labor, time, and difficulties with securing external grant funding. The downside is that rarely do contract archaeologists have the opportunity to expand on or interpret their findings within a grounded theoretical perspective. This reinforces the notion of just how important it is for those in CRM, such as Sipe and Whitley, to be included in conferences such as this—not only to show what they have found, but to help facilitate communication and collaboration between students, academics, and contractors so that the archaeological record can provide us with the best possible opportunities to reveal what the past has to offer.

While not presented at Caldwell, the inclusion of the paper by Deborah A. Keene and Ervan G. Garrison is a wonderful addition to the volume. They describe five newly discovered and beautifully preserved structures at the Grove’s Creek site on Skidaway Island built during the Irene Period just prior to European contact. In part, the importance of these structures lies in their exceptional preservation, but also because they more than double the known number of Irene structures excavated to date. Coupling their findings with four others previously reported (including the Irene site), they note some interesting contrasts in how the structures were built as seen in the archaeological record versus that reported in ethnohistorical accounts. While the authors find that the structures were square or rectangular and primarily built using wattle-and-daub, ethnohistorical documents report them as being circular with wattle-and-thatch instead. Could these differences be due to changes made by native inhabitants in the intervening century between the Irene Period and contact? In addition, there seemed to be no standard size in construction, perhaps the result of structures not being solely residential, but having differing uses. Overall, the presence of these structures at Grove’s Creek substantially enhances what we know of how people were living in later prehistory on the coast and nicely enriches the other lines of data already collected.

Mission Period Archaeology

The final session at Caldwell and last section of the volume includes four chapters dealing with the influence of European contact and the roles that missions had on native groups inhabiting Georgia that began in the mid-1500s and lasted until 1684. The leadoff chapter by Richard W. Jefferies and Christopher R. Moore describes what occurred with the local Muskogean-speaking Guale Indians in the area after Spanish arrival, which “was marked by the total cultural collapse of Guale society and the eventual retreat of the Guale from their coastal homeland.” Their research on Sapelo, the fourth largest barrier island along the Georgia coast, revealed an important trove of mission-era artifacts, including thousands of pottery sherds, a bone knife handle, hand wrought spikes and nails, brick fragments, glass beads, and military weaponry, such as the trigger mechanism from a matchlock musket, and an iron cannonball, suggesting that the Spanish garrison was nearby. Overall, I thought this was a great example of how archaeologists normally accustomed to doing research on prehistoric sites have transitioned to examining historical ones. All too often these subareas fail to collide, with many scholars preferring to specialize in one or the other. This is certainly the case for much of the Caribbean, and one wonders, given the rich prehistoric and historic record in the region, why the intersection of the two is not more widely addressed (for a good exception, see Cherry, Ryzewski, and Leppard, 2012). I actually recall quoting Dave Thomas in one of my comprehensive exams during graduate school more than 15 years ago who said something to the effect that it does not matter whether you are working with projectile points or musket balls, the methods are the same. While one cannot be overly critical of this approach, it was refreshing to see it happening, given how this interval of time so drastically shaped the cultural and natural landscape of the United States.

Elliot H. Blair’s paper on Mission Santa Catalina de Guale, established in 1605 on St. Catherines, exemplifies one of the more important aspects of archaeological investigation on the island—conducting long-term research using the most advanced methods possible. That geophysical research has been used for more than 30 years on both prehistoric and historic sites here is one of the most impressive aspects of the project. And given the importance of the site in understanding early missionization and the fact that it was used as a large cemetery (with more than 430 individuals identified!) (see Larsen and Thomas, 1982; Larsen, 1990) only amplifies its importance. Apart from the continuing sources of rich data still coming out of this site, I appreciate that so many students have become interested in the long-term history of the island, the training that is accompanied by state-of-the-art investigative techniques, a continuing theme on St. Catherines that I have referred to frequently. Another addition to the suite of methods already employed was the initiation of geochemical data, which was presented at the session (but not reported in the current chapter). The melding of so many lines of evidence—chemical, geophysical, archaeological, historic, biological—provides (and continues to provide) a reservoir of information about this turbulent period in Georgia history. I look forward to reading about further discoveries.

In chapter 15, Keith H. Ashley, Vicki L. Rolland, and Robert L. Thunen discuss an interesting case of a Spanish mission for the Mocama Indians, known as San Buenaventura on St. Simons Island (Guadalquini) in southern Georgia, that had been moved progressively southward due to outside pressure from the English and French. In a review of the history of interaction between these various European powers and native peoples, coupled with archaeological investigation of subsistence remains and artifacts, the authors make an effective argument that despite decades of Spanish influence, the Mocama of Guadalquini retained much of their self-identity and autonomy by continually resisting colonial efforts on many different levels, including at one point in time the refusal to move their community to another mission (San Juan del Puerto). What their research demonstrates is that culture contact and subsequent interactions that took place between Europeans and native groups was extremely complex and “uniquely conditioned by the social and historical processes specific to the groups involved.”

The final chapter by Victor D. Thompson, John A. Turck, Amanda D. Roberts Thompson, and Chester B. DePratter continued the discussion of how Europeans impacted the native Guale. I was amazed that almost 90% of the Guale sites in the area were abandoned at European contact, giving a good indication of the almost immediate effect this incursion had. By using an approach that examines the distribution of sites and ceramics in the area at this time, Thompson et al. attempted to discover whether there were any changes in settlement across the coastal landscape. They took advantage of the Georgia Archaeological Site Files (GASF) as well as data recovered in shovel test surveys on smaller islands. By harnessing this vast wealth of site data and utilizing a theoretical perspective derived from culture contact studies (e.g., see Lightfoot, 1995; Beck et al., 2007), they suggest that some of the “Guale reacted to the increased presence of the Spanish in their territory … via increased mobility and extensive use of the landscape, as opposed to the intensive use of the landscape that occurred prior to Spanish arrival.” This was in part possible given the sheer number of small back-barrier islands situated in a complex series of narrow waterways within an estuarine environment.

Overall, the papers presented in the mission period session reaffirmed the importance of melding aspects of prehistoric and historic archaeology as has been advocated by Lightfoot (1995) and others. I have always been fascinated by the processes that occur when different cultures come into contact, and though there is no dispute that the overarching result in the Americas was catastrophic to native peoples, it is true as Thomas mentioned at Caldwell that Europeans were often seen as just “another other.” Many indigenous groups sought to solicit favoritism from Europeans, used them to gain access to various resources they did not have, such as metal, and often did what they could to reduce conflict despite the problems caused by colonialist powers. The investigation of this critical juncture in time remains a fascinating aspect of our history and one to which the presenters at Caldwell absolutely did justice.

FINAL THOUGHTS

As mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, I wanted to come back to the questions posed earlier about whether islands along the coast of Georgia (and others across the southeastern littoral) can be placed within the realm of island archaeology (and if so, how?), and how research thus far fits within the broader issues outlined in a previously published paper by Jon Erlandson and myself (2006).

While the size and proximity to the mainland of barrier islands are not equally comparable to the islands I am more accustomed to in the Caribbean or Pacific, I do believe they can in fact be seen, and henceforth analyzed, as different and unique in an island archaeological field of study for a variety of reasons. I agree with the view cogently argued by Thompson and Turck (2010) who noted that the smaller “hammocks” were the locus of concentrated and widespread occupation by native groups over the past 5000 years due to the availability of marine and estuarine resources that also provided a sheltered reprieve from their neighbors, including Europeans. Despite the fact that some of the marsh islands can be accessed by walking at low tide, the environment was extremely suitable for navigating with low draft dugout canoes and the islands could essentially be used as miniature stepping stones from one to another. As Thompson and Turck (2010) stated, “it was the small islands found in the intertidal environment, along with the knowledge of the large tides that dominate this region, that eased connections and the use of the broader landscape, which includes the tidally influenced portions of the mainland.” Essentially, the arrangement and proximity of these islands facilitated communication and enhanced the broader economy of native peoples along the Georgia coast that a single uninterrupted coastline might fail to achieve with such regularity or intensity.

In terms of broader issues in island and coastal archaeology discussed by Erlandson and Fitzpatrick (2006), the research presented at the sixth Caldwell conference, along with that conducted over the last 30 years, has tremendously enhanced our understanding of native maritime adaptations in the southeastern United States. Scholars now have a much better grasp on the antiquity of coastal occupation, the development of specialized technologies for foraging and hunting, and the extent to which paleoshorelines and landforms changed over time. Apart from some issues that may not be directly applicable to the Georgia Bight, such as notions of isolation and circumscription, opportunities to investigate questions related to human impacts and historical ecology seem to exist. While vertebrate analysis has been a facet of research on St. Catherines, with sites belonging to both the prehistoric and historic periods (e.g., see Reitz et al., 2010), the invertebrates remain understudied (Reitz et al., 2008: 51), as does the paleobotany (Thomas, 2008: chap. 12, 307–308). As Thomas (2008: chap. 12, 308) notes, “no systematic examination of the nonvertebrate faunal remains has been attempted for St. Catherines Island,” and “[w]e likewise lack comprehensive data on plant remains preserved in the archaeological sites…” Because islands in general are much more conducive to studying the effects of humans on the landscape, St. Catherines and other surrounding islands would seem to be an ideal place to develop a greater understanding of “the complex, historical interactions between human populations and the ecosystems they have inhabited” (Kirch, 1997a: 2), particularly given the early and extended occupation by the Spanish with later intensive use of the islands for oyster harvesting (Thomas, 2008) and a slew of other activities. As Bill Keegan and I noted several years ago as we synthesized what we knew of the Caribbean,

To satisfactorily measure the influences and impacts on island ecosystems, it is critical to determine when they were first colonized by humans, using archaeological, palaeoecological, and/or palaeoenvironmental data. With information garnered from subsequent periods of human activity up until the modern era, we can then begin to measure the effects of human arrival on the landscape and whether they are partially or completely attributable to natural, prehistoric, historic, or more recent phenomena (Fitzpatrick and Keegan, 2007: 31).

Although the current (and disparate sources of) data available may be a drawback to any modeling of past environments, “the more lines of corroborating evidence, the more refined the model will be” (O’Brien, 2001: 30). As a result, St. Catherines—and by extension, the Georgia Bight—could serve as a “model system” of how island landforms and biota were transformed as the result of human intervention over the course of five or more millennia. In summary, the collection of chapters in this volume is a fair reminder that the southeastern coast of the United States holds important clues about ancient maritime adaptations that scholars everywhere can use as comparisons in their own research.

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[1] My sincere thanks go to Victor Thompson and David Hurst Thomas for the kind invitation to serve as one of the outside discussants for the Sixth Caldwell Conference and to Royce Hayes and his family for being such gracious hosts while we were there. Thanks also to Torben Rick, Thomas Pluckhahn, and Chris Rodning for their comments on a previous draft of this chapter.